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The document examines how countries in the Global South can achieve energy access and economic growth by leveraging clean energy instead of relying on liquefied natural gas (LNG). Using South Africa and Vietnam as case studies, it suggests that renewable energy is increasingly competitive and that gas power plants supplied by imported LNG will play a smaller role in affordable grid expansion than previously assumed.

The document identifies critical gaps in the support system for Local Green Entrepreneurs (LGEs) in South Africa, specifically highlighting that while SMMEs contribute to carbon reduction, they face significant 'green funding gaps'. It argues that current policies, such as the Draft SMME and Cooperative Funding Policy, fail to explicitly recognize LGEs. The brief identifies five 'signature issues', including the limited risk appetite of funders and compliance-driven ESG requirements. To address these, it recommends the development of a Green Economy Framework, the use of credit guarantee schemes like the sefa Innovation Fund, and the reduction of bureaucratic 'red tape' in certification processes to foster a more inclusive green recovery.

The policy brief argues that the USD 8.5 billion Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP) in South Africa relies on a 'de-risking' model that prioritises private finance and Independent Power Producers (IPPs), shifting commercial risks to the state and consumers. This approach is criticised for potentially worsening South Africa's debt profile, increasing energy poverty through higher tariffs, and undermining local renewable energy manufacturing. The authors suggest alternatives including the regulation of PPPs, debt cancellation of 'odious debt' (such as World Bank loans for the Medupi plant), climate reparations, and the implementation of allocative green credit policies to direct investment toward productive, labour-intensive green industries.

The document critiques the South African JETP for prioritising blended finance and public-private partnerships (PPPs), which the authors argue shifts commercial risk to the state while privatising gains. It highlights how this model can increase energy poverty through higher tariffs and hinder local renewable energy manufacturing. The brief suggests alternatives such as regulating private finance, pursuing debt cancellation and climate reparations, and implementing allocative green credit policies.

The document examines how a universal basic income guarantee (UBIG) can address structural gender inequalities and social instability in South Africa. It argues that by decoupling income from waged labour, a UBIG empowers women who are disproportionately affected by unemployment and unpaid care work. The text cites international evidence to suggest that unconditional cash transfers reduce intimate partner violence, increase school attendance for girls, and lower crime rates. It emphasizes that universality is essential to avoid social stigma and ensure women's agency.

The document examines the role of Just Energy Transition Partnerships (JETPs) in facilitating the shift from fossil fuels to clean energy in five emerging economies. It argues against the use of natural gas as a 'bridging fuel,' citing price volatility, the risk of stranded assets, and methane emissions. Instead, it advocates for 'leapfrogging' directly to renewables, noting that solar and wind are cost-competitive and better suited for expanding energy access in rural areas. The brief emphasizes that a gas-led transition would be economically disadvantageous and inconsistent with the 1.5°C Paris Agreement goal.

The report argues that Ethiopia's national dialogue initiative is hindered by a fundamental clash between a 'deliberative' approach favored by the government—which seeks a rational consensus to resolve differences—and the reality of a severely divided society characterized by deep-seated historical injustices. The author contends that the process will only succeed if stakeholders shift toward an 'agonistic' model that focuses on transforming antagonistic relations into adversarial politics and reckoning with the past, rather than attempting to manufacture a final consensus on fundamental national issues.

The document examines how anti-fossil fuel norms—specifically the phase-out of coal, oil, and gas, the end of public financing for fossil fuels, and subsidy reform—can overlook the needs of marginalized communities and the Global South. It argues that while these norms create political momentum, they risk causing unintended inequitable consequences, such as asset stranding in developing nations, unless paired with financial support and a focus on energy access.

The CER's submission on the draft NWRS-3 argues that the strategy must move beyond treating climate change as a future threat and instead implement binding regulations to protect water security. The CER advocates for the formal legal protection of Strategic Water Source Areas (SWSAs), strengthened compliance monitoring and enforcement (CME) through the 'Blue Scorpions', and a moratorium on unconventional oil and gas exploration due to risks of water contamination and methane emissions. It further emphasizes the need for transparency in water licensing and the alignment of the NWRS-3 with South Africa's international commitments under the Paris Agreement and the domestic Climate Change Bill.

The IEJ criticizes South Africa's current fiscal strategy of austerity and debt stabilisation, arguing it has led to a 'lost decade' of low investment and increased inequality. The document details real-term budget cuts in basic education and healthcare, and the lack of a permanent replacement for the Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grant. To reverse these trends, the IEJ proposes a pro-macroeconomic framework using counter-cyclical spending and a progressive tax regime—including a wealth tax, a resource rent tax, and the reversal of corporate income tax cuts—to fund public services and a Universal Basic Income Guarantee.

The Civil Society Working Group on State Capture (CSWG) welcomes the South African government's acceptance of the Zondo Commission's findings on state capture and the President's commitment to reforms in procurement, whistle-blower protection, and the depoliticisation of law enforcement appointments. However, the CSWG disputes the President's claim that state capture is "in the past," arguing that corruption remains pervasive and that the response plan fails to address enabling political factors or provide concrete actions against implicated members of the national executive. The group further criticises the Electoral Laws Amendment Bill for lacking accountability and calls on Parliament to develop its own implementation plan to improve oversight of the Executive.

The Institute for Economic Justice calls for a radical shift in South Africa's 2022 MTBPS, advocating for the expansion of the Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grant to at least R624 and the eventual introduction of a Universal Basic Income Guarantee. The authors argue against budget cuts in education and healthcare, suggesting instead that the government utilize an estimated R110-billion revenue overrun and implement a wealth tax and luxury VAT to fund social support and infrastructure. Additionally, the document recommends reversing the corporate tax rate cut from 28% to 27% and increasing support for the Industrial Financing Programme to combat deindustrialisation.

The document critiques the administrative barriers and restrictive eligibility of the Social Relief of Distress (SRD) grant, arguing that a Universal Basic Income Guarantee (UBIG) would more effectively reduce poverty and strengthen household resilience. It advocates for financing this system through wealth taxes and progressive reforms rather than regressive taxation like VAT increases.

One year after COP26, progress on climate pledges is described as "mixed at best," with some advancements in renewable energy and net-zero targets countered by a resurgence in fossil fuel reliance due to the Russia-Ukraine war. While 24 countries updated their emissions targets and renewable capacity reached new heights, global fossil fuel subsidies nearly doubled in 2021. Financial commitments remain unmet, with developed nations still $17 billion short of the $100 billion annual goal for 2020. Efforts to curb methane and deforestation have seen expanded participation, but accountability for city-level net-zero pledges remains low due to a lack of reported emissions data.

The Public Affairs Research Institute (PARI) and the Council for the Advancement of the Constitution (CASAC) hosted a conference on September 14-15, 2022, to analyze the final report of the Commission of Inquiry into Allegations of State Capture. The conference focused on enhancing state and private sector accountability through themes such as public procurement reform, whistle-blower protection, and the strengthening of governance institutions in South Africa.

The document examines how the war in Ukraine disrupted global supply chains, leading to a sharp increase in fertilizer prices across Africa. It notes that these price hikes, combined with high input costs for natural gas and coal, threaten crop yields and increase food prices. While short-term input subsidies are common, the brief advocates for industrialization and the utilization of Africa's natural gas, coal, and phosphate rock reserves to build domestic fertilizer production capacity.

The document argues that while the costs of climate action are high, the costs of inaction are higher, noting that physical climate risk has already increased the cost of capital for V20 countries by USD62bn over 10 years. It proposes a three-pillar policy framework: providing clarity on green investments via taxonomies, tilting investment toward green opportunities through de-risking and carbon pricing, and building green investment pipelines. Key mechanisms suggested include the use of junior capital by development finance institutions to mobilize private investment, the removal of fossil fuel subsidies, and the implementation of carbon border adjustment mechanisms (CBAMs). The summary concludes with a list of 101 specific policy ideas across sectors including energy, transport, and agriculture to be detailed in a full report.

The Africa Private Equity and Debt Programme (2020-2025) focuses on developing private capital markets across Africa to complement public markets. It seeks to increase the participation of local institutional investors, particularly pension funds, through regulatory reform, capacity building, and the creation of demonstration transactions. Key achievements include supporting Kenya's policy framework for private equity and venture capital, launching the AVCA Training Academy, and conducting market studies on private debt and pension fund investments in Southern Africa.

The project aimed to advance long-term finance (LTF) in Sub-Saharan Africa by creating an LTF scoreboard and website to close information gaps for investors and policymakers. Key outputs included the finalisation of the scoreboard, hosted by the African Development Bank, and the completion of LTF landscape diagnostics for Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana.

FSD Africa co-funded the incubation and subsequent growth of the Digital Frontiers Institute (DFI) between 2016 and 2022. This support facilitated the training of over 3,500 professionals in Sub-Saharan Africa, the development of 26 digital financial services (DFS) courses, and the establishment of 10 registered professional country digital finance associations in Africa. Key achievements include a 78% increase in institutional capacity for DFS regulation in Sub-Saharan Africa and the creation of the Alliance for Digital Finance Associations (ADFA) in 2021.