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The Reefs at Risk Revisited analysis finds that approximately 75 percent of global coral reefs are threatened by local and global pressures, with local threats affecting over 60 percent. Without intervention to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and local pressures, threatened reefs could increase to over 90 percent by 2030 and nearly all reefs by 2050. While over 25 percent of reefs are in marine protected areas, only 6 percent are effectively managed. The report identifies 27 nations as most vulnerable to reef degradation, including Haiti, Indonesia, and the Philippines.

The document argues that climate compatible development (CCD) planning in developing countries is often skewed toward external accountability to secure international finance, which can lead to ineffective domestic outcomes. To address this, the authors analyze experiences from the Rio Conventions and Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS) processes, recommending multi-stakeholder engagement, evidence-based planning, wide communication, integrated planning across sectors and scales, and robust monitoring and evaluation to ensure that CCD strategies address real domestic needs while meeting international standards.

The document examines the ambiguity surrounding the term 'particularly vulnerable' within the UNFCCC framework and argues that vulnerability indices cannot provide an objective truth for prioritising adaptation finance. It asserts that because vulnerability is a socially constructed concept requiring normative judgments on variables and weighting, the responsibility for defining and ranking vulnerable countries lies with political negotiators rather than scientists.

The briefing examines China's policy of offering duty-free treatment to 440 products from 30 African LDCs. While the scheme is tailored to existing export capacities, the author argues its economic impact is modest compared to its symbolic diplomatic value in signaling China's rise as a great power and alternative to Western donors.

The document examines the complex relationship between anthropogenic climate change and forced migration, arguing that while precise numerical predictions (such as 200 million migrants by 2050) are tentative, the 'carrying capacity' of many regions will be compromised. It distinguishes between slow-onset climate processes and sudden climate events, noting that non-climate drivers like governance and poverty are equally critical. The author outlines three scenarios—'The Good', 'The Bad', and 'The Ugly'—based on IPCC emission storylines, and highlights that the poorest countries will bear the heaviest burden of displacement. The paper concludes that forced climate migrants currently 'fall through the cracks' of international law and national adaptation strategies, which often view migration as a failure of adaptation rather than a tool for it.

The document examines the dual role of foreign aid in the Melanesian Pacific, where it serves both as a tool for peace-building and as a potential driver of political instability. While aid supports basic services and peace processes, it is often driven by the geo-strategic interests of donors like Australia, Japan, and China rather than recipient needs. The author argues that aid can inadvertently exacerbate corruption, widen wealth disparities, and provide a 'prize' for political elites to contest, contributing to the region's reputation as an 'arc of instability'.

The submission argues that aid to Small Island Developing States (SIDS) has declined by over 50 percent between 1994 and 2004, despite the extreme vulnerability of these states to natural disasters and economic shocks. It highlights a disparity where some states are aid-dependent (with aid exceeding GDP), while others lack basic funding for health and education. The author proposes eight reforms, including untying aid from donor procurement, harmonising donor policies, and replacing GDP per capita with a vulnerability index to assess development needs.

The briefing outlines strategies for Small Island Developing States (SIDS) to combat invasive alien species (IAS), emphasizing that prevention is more cost-efficient than eradication. It advocates for multi-disciplinary legislative frameworks, regional information exchange to prevent one country's inaction from undermining another, and the use of scientific baselines to identify vulnerable ecosystems. The document highlights various funding sources and international resources, including the Global Environment Facility and the Global Invasive Species Programme, to support these capacity-building efforts.

The document examines how trademarks and geographical indications (GIs) can be used to reward sustainable production and protect traditional knowledge. Through case studies of kava, rooibos tea, quinoa, basmati rice, and neem, it assesses the viability of these legal tools in creating niche markets that benefit local custodians of biodiversity while preventing unauthorized commercial exploitation.

The document highlights superhot rock geothermal as an emerging, energy-dense renewable source that could provide firm power globally. In Vanuatu, preliminary modeling suggests that just 1% of the country's superhot rock resource could provide 6 GW of energy capacity, equivalent to 27 million barrels of oil. While unlikely to reach commercial scale by Vanuatu's 2030 goal of nearly 100% renewable electricity, the technology offers significant land-use efficiency, requiring only 12 km² per 1 GW compared to much larger footprints for solar or wind. The document argues that developing this resource could reduce energy poverty, create jobs in engineering and geology, and attract foreign investment to Vanuatu.

The document outlines four key legal disputes from the ICJ climate justice hearings: the scope of governing law beyond the Paris Agreement, the applicability of human rights law to climate mitigation, the duty to prevent transboundary environmental harm, and the legal basis for climate reparations.

The document synthesizes the work of UN human rights treaty bodies (HRTBs) in addressing climate change, specifically focusing on Concluding Observations issued to States. It highlights that while climate change is not explicitly in key human rights treaties, HRTBs increasingly use their monitoring roles to argue that protecting human rights requires specific climate action. The report details recommendations across several themes, including the disproportionate impacts on women, children, and indigenous peoples, the need for gender-sensitive and child-sensitive climate strategies, and the obligation of some States to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and fossil fuel extraction to meet human rights standards. It provides detailed analysis of the three most active bodies: CEDAW, CESCR, and CRC.

The report outlines how the CEDAW Committee interprets States' obligations to ensure gender-responsive climate action, emphasizing the particular vulnerabilities of rural and older women and the necessity of women's participation in decision-making.

The report outlines how the Committee on the Rights of the Child (CRC) interprets the 1989 CRC Convention to protect children from climate change. It highlights that while the Convention implicitly protects rights to life, health, and education, the Committee has explicitly urged States to place children's health at the center of climate strategies and to ensure children's participation in decision-making. The document analyzes 24 Concluding Observations from the past decade, noting a trend of recommendations directed toward climate-vulnerable developing countries, focusing on adaptation, disaster risk reduction, and the integration of child-sensitive strategies into national plans.

The report advocates for the use of legal frameworks to bridge the gap between climate ambition and action following the COP28 Global Stocktake. It calls for the enactment of comprehensive national framework climate laws by COP30, the operationalisation of the loss and damage fund with a human rights focus, and a legally mandated phase-out of fossil fuels. ClientEarth emphasizes the role of international courts in clarifying state obligations and suggests adopting demand-reduction strategies for fossil fuels similar to the WHO Framework Convention on Tobacco Control to combat greenwashing.

Parametric insurance provides rapid liquidity by paying fixed amounts based on predetermined triggers rather than assessed losses. It is used across agriculture, renewable energy, infrastructure, and tourism to stabilize budgets and protect credit ratings. Implementation requires specific analytical, regulatory, and data capacities, with regional risk pools like CCRIF and ARC serving as key models for sovereign coverage. While high premiums and basis risk remain challenges, the document suggests using donor support and pilot projects to increase uptake.

Risk pooling aggregates risks across geographies or portfolios to lower volatility and reduce reinsurance costs, providing rapid, rules-based liquidity after disasters. These mechanisms, including parametric pools and catastrophe (CAT) bonds, address credit, liquidity, and market risks by combining exposures and transferring high-risk layers to global capital markets. Examples include the Caribbean Catastrophe Risk Insurance Facility (CCRIF), African Risk Capacity (ARC), and the Pacific Catastrophe Risk Insurance Company (PCRIC), which have provided millions in payouts for cyclones, droughts, and floods. Implementation requires specific internal and regulatory capacities, ranging from basic budgeting for premiums to the legal ability to issue sovereign CAT bonds. While risk pools can reduce costs by 40–50% compared to standalone insurance, challenges such as basis risk, data gaps, and budget trade-offs persist.

A coalition of more than 150 civil society organizations is urging California to support Senate Joint Resolution (SJR) 2 (Gonzalez). This resolution calls for an end to fossil fuel expansion, a fair phase-out of coal, oil, and gas, and the establishment of an international Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty to address the climate crisis at its root. The signatories argue that because fossil fuels are omitted from the Paris Agreement, a specific international mechanism is required to stop production expansion and ensure a just energy transition, particularly for Indigenous Peoples and communities of color.

The briefing contends that the UNFCCC and Paris Agreement are insufficient for phasing out fossil fuels due to a lack of mention of specific fuels, a consensus-based decision model, and a focus on emissions rather than production. It proposes a Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty to address these gaps, noting that a bloc of eight nations, including Vanuatu and Tuvalu, is already calling for such a coalition.

The document argues that fossil fuels act as weapons of mass destruction, contributing to 86% of CO2 emissions in the last decade. It analyzes the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, the Chemical Weapons Convention, the Mine Ban Treaty, and the Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons to provide a roadmap for a similar global fossil fuel regime. The brief identifies four pivotal areas for success: building an evidence base through civil society reporting, igniting conversations via city and parliamentarian advocacy, shifting the narrative from defense to humanitarian issues, and convening pioneering countries through regional bans and strategic conferences. It also details treaty elements such as prohibitions, victim assistance obligations, and the role of implementation agencies like the IAEA and OPCW.