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Global Witness critiques COP29 as a 'playground for fossil fuel lobbyists,' noting that the summit failed to mention a transition away from oil and gas and provided insufficient climate finance for developing nations. The organization highlights systemic flaws, including the hosting of summits in petrostates and the repression of civil society in Azerbaijan, while calling for structural reforms to prioritize vulnerable communities over polluting industries.

The South African International Renewable Energy Conference (SAIREC) 2015, convened by REN21 and hosted by the South African Department of Energy and the South African National Energy Development Institute, took place from 4-7 October 2015 in Cape Town. As the first such conference hosted in Africa, it aimed to remove global barriers to renewable energy rollout and allow Africa to showcase its emerging renewable energy industry.

The document examines the tension between the WTO's multilateral Work Programme on Electronic Commerce and the plurilateral Joint Statement Initiative (JSI) on e-commerce. It highlights the conflict over the moratorium on customs duties for electronic transmissions, where some developing nations fear revenue loss while others advocate for a permanent ban on such duties. The analysis focuses on the upcoming MC14 in Yaoundé, Cameroon, where members must decide on the future of the moratorium and whether to incorporate the JSI's proposed e-commerce agreement into the WTO framework.

The paper contends that traditional industrial policy is outdated because it focuses almost exclusively on manufacturing, despite services accounting for approximately two-thirds of global GDP. It proposes a 'service-led' industrial policy based on five pillars: infrastructure, investment/FDI, human capital, regulatory quality, and connectivity. The author highlights that services offer developing economies a more inclusive and sustainable path to growth due to lower capital intensity and smaller minimum scales for global competitiveness. Furthermore, the document notes that the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) provides governments with more policy space for experimentation compared to the stricter rules governing goods.

The author argues that traditional industrial policy is overly focused on manufacturing and must be redesigned for a services-led economy. Services now represent two-thirds of global GDP and act as critical inputs for all sectors. The paper proposes five pillars for a services-oriented policy: infrastructure, foreign direct investment, human capital, regulatory quality, and digital/physical connectivity. It highlights that developing economies can leverage services due to lower capital intensity, smaller scale requirements, and lower carbon footprints. Furthermore, the author notes that the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS) provides governments with more policy space for experimentation than the rules governing goods.

While the MENA region has low direct exposure to US tariffs, it faces significant indirect risks including energy price volatility, trade diversion (specifically 'dumping' of Chinese steel and aluminium), and inflationary pressures. Certain countries are more exposed than others, with Jordan facing risks to its garment exports, while Türkiye may gain competitiveness in textiles. The region's long-standing policy of non-alignment between the US and China is under pressure as trade is increasingly weaponized, though the Gulf's strategic geography and investments in digital infrastructure offer paths toward resilience.

The 2022 WTO Agreement on Fisheries Subsidies, which entered into force in September 2025, prohibits subsidies for illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing and overexploited stocks. However, it does not address the broader structural causes of overcapacity. The upcoming MC14 in Yaoundé, Cameroon, is a critical juncture for negotiating 'Phase 2' disciplines. Failure to adopt these additional rules by September 2029 will trigger a sunset clause, potentially terminating the entire 2022 agreement.

The report identifies a resurgence of outright climate denial and the rise of 'culture war' narratives used to delay climate action. It highlights systemic greenwashing by fossil fuel entities on Meta and the algorithmic amplification of the #ClimateScam hashtag on Twitter. The analysis reveals that climate misinformation is increasingly integrated into broader 'anti-woke' and conspiratorial communities, with a small number of high-influence actors driving a significant portion of the engagement.

The briefing examines the link between Somalia's internal instability and maritime piracy, asserting that while naval security is necessary, long-term success depends on creating viable economic livelihoods on land. It highlights the role of existing informal business networks and the need for infrastructure development in southern ports like Mogadishu and Kismayo to facilitate trade and aid. The text also identifies gaps in the international legal system and recommends strengthening the Somalia National Coast Guard and the Contact Group on Piracy off the Coast of Somalia to secure regional trade.

The document examines the escalating border dispute between Ethiopia and Sudan over the al-Fashaga area, noting its intersection with tensions over the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD). It highlights how internal political instability in both countries and conflicting claims over land sovereignty hinder negotiations, warning that failure to de-escalate could lead to proxy wars and further regional destabilisation.

The report details how the cashew boom in Côte d'Ivoire has transformed diverse savannas into 'green deserts,' leading to significant primary forest loss and threatening endangered species like the Western chimpanzee. It highlights a dangerous trade-off where increased cash income from cashews has replaced traditional food crops, leaving rural households vulnerable to market crashes and food insecurity. Additionally, it documents health risks for factory workers, primarily women, who suffer caustic burns from cashew nut shell oil. The authors call for full supply chain traceability and stricter regulations in consuming markets like the US and EU to prevent deforestation-linked imports.

The report examines how private equity firms profit from the U.S. education market, which was estimated at $1.1 trillion in 2020. It details the consolidation of curriculum and testing services by firms like Veritas Capital, the rise of outsourced staffing through companies like Education Solutions Services, and the risks associated with student data management by firms such as Vista Equity Partners. The document also analyzes the negative outcomes associated with private equity-owned for-profit colleges, charter schools, and early childhood education centers, arguing that a profit-driven model often conflicts with student interests and public good.

The author argues that while globalisation drives unprecedented economic growth through comparative advantage and market efficiency, it creates a 'race to the bottom' where nations compete for volatile capital by slashing corporate taxes and deregulation. This process potentially erodes public funding for welfare, labour protections, and environmental standards. While the author finds evidence of a downward trend in global corporate tax rates, they note that reputational risks and NGO watchdogs may moderate the degradation of labour and environmental standards. The document concludes that managing these negative effects requires stronger, more democratic global governance, including the potential creation of a World Tax Authority and an International Financial Stability and Harmonisation Authority.

The report identifies ten common areas for comparing the mediation strategies of Qatar and Norway, highlighting differences in their identities, the role of civil society, and regional engagement, while noting shared dependencies on the United States and the use of financial resources to cultivate soft power.

The authors use geo-coded data from 31 federal states to argue that both relatively rich and relatively poor regions are more prone to secessionist conflict than those with average wealth. The study also finds that the presence of politically excluded ethnic groups and the existence of regional autonomy further elevate the risk of violent secessionist conflict.

The analysis explores the experiences of 'peripheral' doctoral students in a UK-based professional doctorate programme, focusing on the tensions between their professional expertise and their novice status in academia. It identifies four primary categories of challenges: the struggle for belonging and social isolation, complexities in supervisory relationships, identity and language dissonance, and the psychological impact of 'impostor syndrome'. The authors argue that while distance programmes provide necessary flexibility, they often create a disconnect with the broader university infrastructure. The study highlights the value of the 'cohort model' in building social capital and suggests that institutional support, such as cross-cultural training and flexible enrolment options, is essential for the success of non-traditional students.

The research examines the interaction effects of business-development partnerships in the Global South, arguing that the current global model often prioritizes corporate interests and high-level rhetoric over grounded social impact. Through narrative inquiry and case studies in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Myanmar, and Dubai, the author illustrates how corporate operations can inadvertently fund conflict, confer legitimacy to violent actors, and facilitate the laundering of conflict minerals, despite public commitments to the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The paper concludes that non-binding, self-reported frameworks like the UN Global Compact are insufficient and that binding, independently verified regulatory initiatives are necessary to ensure peace-positive business action.

The report details ADNOC's plans to increase oil production by 25% by 2030, identifying it as a major global expansionist whose activities are largely incompatible with IEA Net Zero scenarios. It highlights the involvement of international 'carbon majors' and banks in financing these projects, the use of carbon capture for enhanced oil recovery, and the threat posed to the Marawah Biosphere Reserve by the Ghasha Mega Project.

The audit by Mazars Austria GmbH concludes that SEforALL's 2023 financial statements present a true and fair view of its financial position in accordance with Austrian Generally Accepted Accounting Principles. The organization reported a total income of $94.1 million, with significant expenditures in personnel ($16 million) and consultancy fees ($9.8 million). The audit found no material weaknesses in internal controls or doubts regarding the organization's ability to continue as a going concern.

Under the leadership of Damilola Ogunbiyi, SEforALL has shifted from awareness-raising to a data-driven engagement model prioritizing high-impact countries. Key initiatives include the Universal Energy Facility, a results-based financing vehicle aiming for 1 million connections by 2023, and the development of investment-grade policy frameworks and universal integrated energy plans. The report also details high-level diplomatic engagements across the G20, UN, and various governments to mobilize resources and align global efforts toward universal energy access and clean cooking.