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The document warns that NAMA negotiations within the WTO Doha round could lead to the over-exploitation of natural resources and the deindustrialisation of developing nations. It specifically highlights risks to fisheries, forests, and minerals through 'zero-for-zero' liberalisation and the targeting of non-tariff barriers used for environmental protection. The author calls for a halt to these negotiations and an independent review of their impacts.

The document analyzes the gap between the South African National Defence Force's (SANDF) 'Growth-core force design' and its actual budget, which is insufficient to sustain the approved force. It details a shortlist of foreign suppliers for corvettes, submarines, main battle tanks, and aircraft, while explaining the role of Industrial Participation (IP) in these deals. The author argues that the total estimated cost of these acquisitions (R25-38 billion) is unaffordable, suggesting that South Africa can likely only afford R8-9 billion in procurement, prioritizing corvettes and submarine refurbishment.

Zambia's national debt reached $25.5 billion by the end of 2023, creating a crisis that crowds out essential social spending and hinders economic development. The report identifies key drivers including excessive borrowing for unproductive infrastructure, high reliance on volatile copper exports, and significant revenue losses from tax evasion and illicit financial flows. While Zambia has sought relief through the G20 Common Framework and IMF facilities, the report argues that the current restructuring process is inefficient and that long-term stability requires domestic resource mobilisation, strengthened parliamentary oversight, and a transition toward sustainable borrowing practices.

The report by Climate Action Against Disinformation (CAAD) critiques the Edelman Trust Barometer, alleging that the PR firm uses 'organized lying' and opaque data to promote the idea that business leaders are the most trusted figures in society. It highlights contradictions between Edelman's findings and other research from the UN and University of Oxford, particularly regarding public trust in corporate climate efforts. Furthermore, the document exposes a conflict of interest, noting that while Edelman claims climate change is a major crisis, it maintains extensive contracts with major fossil fuel companies including Shell, Chevron, and TotalEnergies.

The report identifies a resurgence of climate denial and the rise of 'delayism' during COP27, highlighting how fossil fuel-linked entities used Meta's advertising tools for greenwashing and how Twitter's algorithms surfaced the #ClimateScam hashtag despite lower engagement than pro-climate terms. It details a 'narrative playbook' where climate action is framed as an elitist plot or a 'culture war' issue, often overlapping with anti-vaccine and right-wing conspiracy communities.

The report identifies three primary ecosystems driving climate mis- and disinformation: the 'attention economy' of online influencers, state-affiliated networks (specifically Russia), and the fossil fuel lobby. It details how the #ClimateScam hashtag has gained prominence on X, how ad tech companies monetise websites hosting climate denial, how Russian state media instrumentalises climate topics for geopolitical influence, and how fossil fuel companies use Facebook advertising for greenwashing. The document argues that these efforts undermine the public mandate for Net Zero and calls for structural changes to digital platform incentives and greater transparency in ad tech.

The document details the methodology for four distinct research areas: the analysis of the #ClimateScam hashtag and X's auto-complete function; the identification of 15 monetized websites sharing climate disinformation and the ad exchanges supporting them; the monitoring of Russian state media and diplomatic accounts on Facebook across four languages; and the collection of political advertising from major fossil fuel companies and petrostates via the Meta Ad Library.

The report by Climate Action Against Disinformation (CAAD) analyzes ten 'misleading claims' used by fossil fuel interests to delay the energy transition. It argues that fossil fuels are the primary driver of climate change, with 36.6 billion tonnes of the 40.5 billion global CO2 emissions in 2022 originating from their use. The document debunks claims that emissions—rather than fossil fuels themselves—are the problem, and challenges the industry's focus on Scope 1 and 2 emissions, noting that Scope 3 emissions account for 80-95% of total carbon emissions for oil and gas companies. It further critiques technological 'solutions' like Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS), Direct Air Capture (DAC), e-fuels, and 'blue' hydrogen, characterizing them as expensive, inefficient, or unproven at the scale required to limit warming to 1.5C. Finally, it argues that fossil fuel reliance hinders economic growth in Africa and Asia and exacerbates the global cost-of-living crisis.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) is seeking $10 million over five years to implement a strategy for decarbonization in the Middle East. The initiative focuses on transitioning the region away from unabated fossil fuels, diversifying economies, and establishing a shared climate vision among Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Qatar. Key objectives include reducing methane emissions by 30 percent by 2030 and deploying technologies such as carbon management, zero-carbon fuels, and nuclear energy.

The document advocates for the use of nuclear energy orderbooks in Europe to avoid the inefficiencies of fragmented deployment. It explains that by shifting from design evolution to design standardisation and serial replication, the EU can leverage 'learning by doing' effects to lower average unit costs, strengthen supply chains, and overcome regulatory and financing barriers.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) advocates for the inclusion of diverse CO2 transport and storage projects in the EU's PCI and PMI lists to enable the decarbonisation of hard-to-abate sectors. CATF emphasizes the need to expand infrastructure beyond the North Sea to Southern, Central, and Eastern Europe, and to develop flexible transport networks using pipelines, shipping, barges, and trains. The document highlights that by 2050, 300 to 640 million tonnes of CO2 must be captured and stored annually in the EU, with at least 30% of industrial emissions requiring transport to non-North Sea storage.

The document is a venue map for the COP28 Blue Zone, detailing the distribution of official meeting spaces, national and organizational pavilions, and support services. It identifies key areas such as the Al Ghafat and Al Hairat plenaries, the Media Centre, and various 'Action Labs'. The map lists numerous participating entities, including national delegations (e.g., United States of America, China, European Union), international organizations (e.g., UNFCCC, World Bank Group), and NGOs (e.g., WWF, Clean Air Task Force), assigning them to specific zones (B1-B8) and building numbers. Additionally, it maps logistical services such as food and beverage outlets, first aid, and accessibility help desks.

The report outlines six critical dimensions for successful nuclear energy deployment in embarking countries: project execution, regulatory system development, bankability and finance, nonproliferation and security, spent fuel management, and workforce development. It argues for a shift from bespoke 'project' models to standardized 'product' models to reduce costs and risks. The authors propose the creation of new international institutions, such as an International Technical Support Organization (ITSO) and an International Bank for Nuclear Infrastructure (IBNI), to provide the technical and financial support necessary for global scaling.

The document highlights that just 1% of India's superhot rock geothermal resource could provide 303 GW of capacity, potentially meeting 43% of the country's projected 2050 electricity demand. It argues that this technology could replace all coal and gas imports for electricity, significantly reduce land use compared to other renewables, and improve urban air quality by replacing fossil fuel combustion.

The document presents nuclear energy as a critical, low-carbon complement to renewables for meeting growing global electricity demand, specifically within Central and Eastern Europe. It highlights the region's existing nuclear infrastructure and the potential for new deployments to achieve EU climate-neutrality goals. The text addresses safety, waste management, and costs, noting that while upfront capital expenditures are high, nuclear power is among the safest and cleanest energy sources available.

The report argues that the UAE used extensive PR campaigns to rebrand itself as a climate leader to secure the hosting of COP28, while simultaneously planning to expand oil and gas production. It identifies 18 agencies that worked for the UAE, COP28, ADNOC, or Masdar between 2021 and 2023, noting that many of these firms simultaneously held contracts with major fossil fuel polluters. The document details specific tactics used to manipulate public opinion, including the editing of Wikipedia pages by COP28 staff and the use of AI-generated social media bots for astroturfing. It concludes by calling on the creative industry to stop working with fossil fuel clients to support a genuine energy transition.

A statement from global health leaders calling for the total elimination of fossil fuels to address the root cause of the climate crisis and improve public health outcomes. The authors argue that transitioning to renewable energy will reduce premature deaths from air pollution, lower healthcare costs, and protect ecosystems, while warning against 'false solutions' like carbon capture and storage (CCS). They demand a just energy transition, the redirection of fossil fuel subsidies toward health and climate solutions, and the exclusion of fossil fuel industry lobbyists from climate negotiations.

The Global Climate and Health Alliance and various health leaders argue that a rapid phase-out of fossil fuels is essential to prevent overwhelming health consequences and to achieve the 1.5°C target of the Paris Agreement. They highlight that air pollution from fossil fuels causes 7 million premature deaths annually and cost the global economy over US$8.1 trillion in 2019. The letter calls for a just energy transition that prioritizes marginalized communities, the redirection of fossil fuel subsidies toward clean energy, and the exclusion of fossil fuel industry lobbyists from climate negotiations.

Climate Strategies proposes five operational avenues for the first 2025 JTWP dialogue, including a non-prescriptive governance framework, a case study repository, a resource database, justice-focused metrics, and a global governance architecture. For the second 2025 dialogue, it recommends addressing climate resilience, restorative justice, transition minerals, and deep dives into neglected sectors like food and health systems. The submission also suggests reforming the dialogue format to combine workshops with discussions to better facilitate the sharing of real-world practitioner experiences.

The document identifies systemic barriers to transitioning away from fossil fuels, particularly for countries heavily reliant on oil and gas revenues, such as Canada, Nigeria, and Malaysia. It argues that a successful transition requires multilateral coordination between importers and exporters, collaborative governance frameworks, and a commitment to Just Transition principles to avoid exacerbating global inequalities. Key recommendations include strategic economic diversification, the use of multi-model evidence for planning, and the implementation of restorative justice to address historical harms.