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The author argues that Poland and Ukraine's dependence on Russian gas and oil creates significant security vulnerabilities, which Russia exploits for political pressure. While Poland is investing in infrastructure like the Świnoujście LNG terminal and Baltic Pipe to end gas imports by 2022, Ukraine remains more vulnerable due to limited financial and regulatory capacity. The document posits that long-term resilience against 'hybrid war' requires a shift from centralized energy systems to distributed networks based on renewables and improved energy efficiency, particularly in the housing sector.

The report outlines a project with two primary goals: analyzing the Paris Agreement's Article 6 market mechanism provisions to inform the development of the agreement's rulebook, and evaluating the readiness of three specific countries—Ukraine, Vietnam, and Ethiopia—to participate in these market mechanisms.

The European Court of Human Rights ruled in Cordella and Others v. Italy that the Italian government violated the rights of residents in Taranto by failing to address toxic emissions from the Ilva steel plant and failing to provide an effective legal remedy for environmental decontamination.

The document analyzes Greece's strategic shift in the Eastern Mediterranean, emphasizing the role of personal beliefs of policymakers like Nikos Kotzias in shaping a 'diverse active policy'. It details Greece's efforts to establish trilateral partnerships with Israel, Egypt, and Cyprus to counter Turkish influence and leverage hydrocarbon discoveries. Central to this strategy is the ambition to become a regional energy hub through projects like the EastMed pipeline and electrical interconnectors, while positioning Greece as an 'exporter of stability' within a 'triangle of instability' comprising Ukraine, Libya, and Syria.

The report examines the shift in Eastern Mediterranean geopolitics driven by hydrocarbon discoveries and the formation of trilateral partnerships (Greece-Cyprus-Israel and Greece-Cyprus-Egypt). It analyzes these alliances as a balancing act against Turkey's regional power projection and assertive foreign policy. While energy is a primary driver, the report notes that technical, economic, and political obstacles—such as the viability of the EastMed pipeline and maritime boundary disputes—hinder full monetization of gas reserves. The text also explores the domestic drivers of foreign policy in Cyprus and Greece, the historical perceptions of the region from an Israeli perspective, and Turkey's strategic ambition to become a regional energy hub.

The document argues that energy transitions are fundamentally about people and that early action is necessary to minimize negative impacts and maximize opportunities. It emphasizes that a just transition is a negotiated process involving workers, industry, and governments, rather than a fixed set of rules, and warns that protecting the status quo of carbon-intensive industries can lead to higher costs and missed economic diversification.

The report finds that 16 of the 25 analyzed major emitting countries and regions are not on track to meet their self-determined NDC targets. While some countries like China and India are likely to achieve their targets, others, including the United States and Japan, require additional measures. Furthermore, current policies are projected to fail in preventing emissions increases up to 2030 relative to 2010 levels in a majority of the analyzed nations, including both developing and OECD economies.

The report argues that early action on just energy transitions can minimize negative impacts on workers and communities while maximizing opportunities in low-carbon sectors. It outlines a 'How-To' framework consisting of four key stages: understanding the political economy context, identifying champions, making the case through inclusive communication, and implementing complementary policies such as retraining and economic diversification. The document emphasizes that a just transition is not a fixed set of rules but a negotiated process based on social dialogue and tripartism. Through case studies, it demonstrates various approaches: Canada's use of a high-level Task Force, Egypt and Indonesia's reallocation of fossil fuel subsidies into social and infrastructure programs, and Poland's use of 'golden handshakes' and regional support for mining communes. It concludes that overcoming 'carbon lock-in' requires transparent communication, tangible short-term benefits, and the mobilization of dedicated funding from sources like energy taxes or subsidy reforms.

The briefing examines the first EU-South Africa summit since 2013, highlighting the importance of attracting foreign direct investment and leveraging the EU's External Investment Plan. It notes that while the EU is South Africa's largest investment partner and a primary destination for manufactured exports, the partnership has struggled due to internal crises in both regions. The agenda includes economic cooperation, sustainable energy, multilateralism, and climate change.

The Defenders in Development Campaign urges states and development finance institutions (DFIs) to integrate human rights protections into development projects, noting that defenders of land and environmental rights face extreme risks of violence and criminalization.

The report analyzes 10 specific climate solutions for Kenya and Ethiopia, focusing on their potential for emission reductions, associated costs, savings, and co-benefits to inform policy recommendations.

Friends of the Earth argues that nuclear energy is an expensive and dangerous technology based on outdated science. The organization highlights its role in shutting down reactors at Diablo Canyon and San Onofre, as well as canceling the V.C. Summer and MidAmerican Energy projects. The document advocates for a transition to 100 percent clean, renewable energy and energy efficiency to mitigate climate change.

The research argues that democratization is more likely when opposition movements are led by urban groups—industrial workers and the middle class—who possess both the motivation to seek democratic policies and the organizational capacity to challenge regimes. Using a dataset of 193 campaigns across 147 countries, the authors find that movements dominated by industrial workers have a robust and significant positive effect on democratization. In contrast, movements dominated by peasants or military personnel are not conducive to democratization, and the evidence for middle-class-led campaigns is mixed, appearing more effective when limited to students and educated professionals or non-violent tactics.

The report finds that while the number of state-based armed conflicts and total casualties declined in 2017, non-state conflicts increased significantly. Syria remained the deadliest conflict, and the Islamic State (IS) was involved in 31% of all conflicts. The authors note a long-term general decline in warfare since the 1950s, though they warn that internationalized intrastate conflicts and religious extremism continue to pose major threats to global peace.

The report identifies newly adopted policies in 25 major emitting countries and regions—representing 79% of 2012 global GHG emissions—that support long-term decarbonisation goals. These policies include carbon taxes, coal phase-outs, and support for renewable energy and electric vehicles, focusing on legislative decisions and executive orders with direct effects on reducing emissions.

The OSCE has struggled to implement its 2004 Gender Action Plan due to increased political polarisation, a consensus-based decision-making rule that grants all 57 participating States veto power, and budget constraints. While conservative states and the Holy See have resisted the 'gender' agenda, the document argues that the OSCE's field missions provide a critical opportunity to implement gender-oriented policies on the ground, provided their autonomy is protected from political turmoil.

The report evaluates the APRM, OGP, and EITI, finding that while the OGP and EITI successfully employ peer learning and pressure to enforce standards and protect civil society, the APRM lags behind due to a lack of critical engagement and a failure to implement sanctions for non-compliance.

The report evaluates ten climate solutions across five European countries, finding a total abatement potential of 149 Mt CO2eq by 2030, representing 13% of the region's projected emissions. Energy efficiency in buildings and industry are identified as the most cost-effective solutions, offering net savings, while onshore wind and solar power provide significant potential, particularly in the Baltic states. The study highlights that while Poland and Ukraine offer the highest absolute abatement, the relative impact is greater in Estonia, Latvia, and Lithuania. Key barriers include policies favoring fossil fuels and market uncertainty, while enablers include EU regulations and declining renewable technology costs.

Scaling up 10 existing climate solutions in Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Ukraine could reduce 2030 emissions by approximately 149 Mt (CO2e), representing a 13% reduction compared to baseline projections. The most significant absolute reductions are possible in Poland (71 Mt) and Ukraine (64 Mt), while the highest relative impacts are in the Baltic States, potentially cutting emissions by nearly 40% in Estonia and over 30% in Latvia and Lithuania. Energy efficiency in buildings and industry offers the highest potential and is the most cost-effective, with building efficiency alone potentially saving 2.9 billion euros by 2030. Conversely, wind power provides the greatest relative potential in the Baltic States. The report identifies common barriers such as high investment costs, weak carbon pricing, and lack of financing, and recommends policies including the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies, stable legal frameworks, and targeted financial incentives.

The report finds that 16 of the 25 major emitting countries and regions analysed are not on track to meet their self-determined NDC targets. While some countries like Brazil, China, and India are likely to achieve their targets with current policies, others, including the US, EU, and Canada, require additional measures. Furthermore, current policies are projected to fail to prevent emissions from increasing up to 2030 relative to 2010 levels in both developing and OECD nations, with only Japan and the EU projected to see further decreases.