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The report argues that President Yoweri Museveni uses Uganda's role as a regional security provider to deflect international criticism of his domestic democratic decay. It details the use of patronage and repression to maintain power, the personalized nature of Ugandan foreign policy, and the strategic use of the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) in Somalia, South Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

The paper argues that elephant survival depends on incentivising local communities to value living elephants over ivory through effective CBNRM. It examines the evolution of these policies in Southern Africa, comparing models in Namibia, Botswana, and South Africa, while highlighting governance challenges such as elite capture and the need for diversified, non-consumptive livelihood strategies.

The document examines China's use of large-scale infrastructure projects in Africa as a tool of economic statecraft to challenge Western-led global norms and promote a 'democratised' global order. It analyzes the role of the Forum on China–Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) and compares African initiatives with similar Chinese regional forums in the Arab world, Central Asia, and Latin America. Despite a slowing domestic economy and falling commodity prices affecting resource-rich African states, the author contends that China's strategic geopolitical goals ensure the continued resilience of its African investments.

The report identifies climate change as a significant threat to Tanzania's development due to rising temperatures, sea-level rise, and altered precipitation patterns. While the government has established institutional structures and strategies, the report emphasizes the need for better implementation and integration of climate change into sectoral policies, particularly in water, health, agriculture, and disaster risk reduction.

The research paper examines the tension between President Magufuli's internal focus on austerity, poverty reduction, and industrialization and the potential diplomatic costs of his absence from major international summits. While the administration maintains representation through the vice president and foreign minister, critics argue that the president's personal absence from forums like the African Union Summit may hinder Tanzania's ability to leverage regional integration and common markets for domestic job creation.

The East African Community (EAC) took a lead role in managing the 2015 Burundi crisis, but its efforts were largely unsuccessful due to internal divisions among member states and a lack of binding implementation mechanisms. While the EAC initially attempted preventive diplomacy through a 'Delegation of the Wise', subsequent summits and facilitation efforts by leaders like Yoweri Museveni and Benjamin Mkapa failed to prevent violence or secure an inclusive political dialogue. The report highlights how geopolitical tensions between Rwanda and Tanzania further undermined regional cohesion, ultimately allowing the Burundian government to resist international pressure and proceed with contested elections.

The document examines youth radicalisation in Africa as a complex phenomenon driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors. It argues that while religious ideology is often used as a justification, the actual drivers are frequently rooted in political repression, systemic corruption, socio-economic exclusion, and weakened family structures. The paper emphasizes that responses must be nuanced and evidence-based, moving beyond a 'one size fits all' approach to address specific local and structural vulnerabilities.

The document analyzes the dynamics of youth radicalization in Africa, arguing that it is a complex process driven by a combination of 'push' and 'pull' factors rather than a single cause. It highlights how government repression, corruption, high youth unemployment, and social exclusion create vulnerabilities that extremist groups like ISIS, Al-Shabaab, and Boko Haram exploit. The paper emphasizes that while religion is often used as a justification, the root causes are frequently socio-political and economic. It also examines the role of gender, noting that while most recruits are male, women's participation is increasing, often driven by different motivations or forced coercion.

The document establishes a framework of 14 conservation standards to prevent human rights abuses during site-based conservation interventions. It argues that while states are primary duty bearers, non-state actors—including NGOs and philanthropic foundations—have a 'responsibility to respect' human rights. The standards are divided into rights most likely to be directly infringed (such as self-determination, free, prior and informed consent, and land rights) and those indirectly infringed (such as education and non-discriminatory employment). The authors emphasize that these standards should serve as minimum requirements for all conservation activities to avoid forced evictions, cultural deterioration, and the marginalization of indigenous governance systems.

The document examines the application of sustainable use (SU) policies for African elephants, distinguishing between consumptive use (CU)—such as ivory trade and trophy hunting—and non-consumptive use, such as photographic tourism. It argues that while CU has seen some success in Southern Africa, it is largely undermined by corruption, poor governance, and a 'partial global trade ban' that creates market confusion and encourages poaching. The author contends that the closure of major ivory markets in the US and China, combined with the inability of CITES to approve new trade, makes a permanent global ivory trade ban the most viable path. The paper recommends that African governments transition to public-private protected area management organisations (PPPAMOs) and photographic tourism, while using 'conservation hunting' only as a temporary stop-gap. Ultimately, it calls for a global biodiversity tax to compensate African states for the opportunity costs of these restrictions.

The study examines bioscience innovation in Ethiopia, Kenya, Rwanda, Tanzania, and Uganda, focusing on crop improvement, agro-industrial waste conversion, value-added sorghum and millet products, and industrial enzymes. It finds that while R&D knowledge is generally strong, the transition to market is hindered by weak policy guidance, insufficient market creation, and limited resource mobilization. The authors argue that the region's R&D is 'demand-driven, but not business-driven', and recommend strengthening public-private partnerships, establishing business incubators, and creating national bioeconomy strategies to bridge the gap between research and commercialization.

The report examines the 2015 crisis in Burundi, arguing that while President Pierre Nkurunziza's attempt to secure an unconstitutional third term was the immediate trigger, the situation was underpinned by a long history of government intransigence, systemic repression of the opposition, and corruption. It details the CNDD-FDD's strategy of consolidating power through the 'nyakurisation' method of dividing opposition parties and the use of legislative tools to restrict civil liberties. The document also analyzes the internal fractures within the ruling party, the failure of the Arusha Agreement's power-sharing framework, and the subsequent violent crackdown on protestors, the media, and civil society following a failed coup attempt in May 2015.

The East African region has discovered vast oil and gas reserves, but social and economic benefits remain unrealised due to regulatory disputes, infrastructure hurdles, and poor governance. Uganda has opted for a pipeline route through Tanzania over Kenya due to cost and security concerns. Mozambique faces severe financial instability and debt crises that threaten its LNG projects. Across the region, a lack of transparency and limited civil liberties hinder the effective implementation of accountability frameworks like the EITI.

The document outlines systemic obstacles to Tanzania's agricultural potential, including poor infrastructure, credit shortages, and unclear land laws. It notes that domestic agro-processing struggles to compete with higher-quality imports from South Africa and Kenya. To improve, the document argues for better synergy between government departments and a nuanced approach to public-private partnerships that prioritizes food security, environmental protection, and transparent contracting for smallholder farmers.

The maize value chain in Tanzania is characterized by fragmentation and inefficiency, primarily driven by small-scale farmers operating under rain-fed conditions. Significant constraints—including land tenure uncertainty, limited finance, and poor infrastructure—discourage investment despite growing domestic and regional demand. The document argues for a jointly developed National Maize Development Strategy between public and private sectors to foster a positive business environment and encourage 'Green Growth' options.

The document analyzes the 2012 and 2013 riots in Mtwara, Tanzania, arguing that violent mobilization was fueled by 'dashed expectations' and perceptions of unfair treatment by the government. While the Mtwara and Lindi regions have been objectively marginalized since independence, the study finds that the feeling of being 'robbed' and the decision to pipe gas to Dar es Salaam were primary drivers of unrest. The authors suggest that providing basic public goods and realistic information via local radio can mitigate conflict risks in other emerging petro-states in Africa.

The document examines a long-standing boundary dispute between Malawi and Tanzania, which escalated in 2012 due to the discovery of potential oil reserves. It analyzes the failure of formal legal mechanisms, such as the SADC Tribunal, and the limitations of current preventive diplomacy tools within SADC and the African Union, arguing that a lack of political will and funding hampers regional conflict resolution.

The paper evaluates sanitation policies in Rwanda, Uganda, and Tanzania against seven criteria, finding that while frameworks are ambitious and reforms toward decentralization and Sector Wide Approaches (SWAps) are positive, significant gaps remain in funding, technical capacity at the district level, and the translation of policy into functional facilities.

The research paper examines the alignment between South Africa's stated foreign policy goal of 'Africa's centrality' and the actual expenditure of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO). It finds that South Africa's normative goal of deepening engagement in Africa is generally matched by its resource deployment, with significant spending directed toward strategic economies like Nigeria, Angola, and Ethiopia. Despite budget reductions in 2016 necessitating the closure of non-essential missions, the document argues that diplomatic engagement remains vital for defending national interests and enhancing international prestige.

The report examines how gender relations influence vulnerability to climate risks in urban Kisumu, Kenya. Using the People’s Plans into Practice (PPP) project (2008–2013) as a case study, it finds that while gender-sensitive programming—such as participatory design of water and sanitation facilities—can improve outcomes and empower women, deep-seated cultural biases and structural barriers like male-dominated land ownership persist. The study argues that for climate compatible development to be effective, it must move beyond 'gender-blind' or 'gender-aware' approaches toward 'gender-transformative' strategies that address the root causes of vulnerability and are supported by coordinated county-level policies.