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Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) rejects Nature-based Solutions (NbS), characterizing the term as a 'wolf in sheep's clothing.' The organization contends that NbS is too vague, allowing harmful practices like industrial monoculture plantations to be labeled as 'natural.' FoEI argues that NbS serves as a greenwashing tool for fossil fuel and agro-industrial companies to justify 'net zero' claims through carbon offsetting rather than actual emission reductions. The document warns that the scale of land required for these projects leads to land grabbing and violates the rights of indigenous peoples and local communities, particularly in the Global South. Instead of NbS, FoEI advocates for systemic change through agroecology, community forest management, and a coordinated phase-out of fossil fuels.

Friends of the Earth International (FOEI) rejects Nature Based Solutions (NBS), characterizing it as a 'wolf in sheep's clothing' that instrumentalizes nature to serve corporate profits and 'net-zero' offsetting schemes. The document contends that NBS promotes monoculture plantations, enables the financialization of nature, and threatens the sovereignty of Indigenous Peoples and local communities. FOEI argues that NBS distracts from the urgent need to phase out fossil fuels and instead advocates for systemic changes such as agroecology and Community Forest Management (CFM).

Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) rejects Nature-based Solutions (NbS), characterizing the term as a "wolf in sheep's clothing" that masks neocolonialism and corporate greenwashing. The document contends that NbS promotes industrial monoculture plantations and the financialization of nature, which threatens the land rights of Indigenous peoples and local communities, particularly in the Global South. FoEI argues that NbS serves as a distraction from the urgent need to phase out fossil fuels and instead advocates for systemic changes through agroecology and community forest management.

The document explores the intersection of voluntary sustainability standards (VSSs) and international trade policy to combat deforestation. It details the design, implementation, and assurance mechanisms of VSSs for commodities like cocoa, palm oil, soy, and timber, noting that while they have demonstrated positive impacts, results are often context-specific. The brief categorizes forest-related provisions in free trade agreements (FTAs) into declarative clauses, cooperation provisions, and binding commitments, highlighting a shift from purely promotional references to mandatory requirements. A key example is the EFTA-Indonesia CEPA, which links preferential tariffs to sustainability certifications. The document also discusses the EU's FLEGT regulation and the UK's proposed due diligence laws as mandatory alternatives or complements to VSSs, concluding that a multi-pronged approach combining regulation and VSSs is necessary to address global deforestation.

The report finds that most G20 and Eurosystem central banks lack credible sustainable investment policies for their non-policy portfolios, often relying on opacity or weak ESG criteria to mask continued support for fossil fuel companies. While the Banque de France is highlighted as a leader for its fossil fuel restrictions, the majority of analyzed banks either have no public SRI policy or use 'tricks' such as investing in green bonds without excluding major polluters. The document recommends that central banks adopt strict exclusion policies for coal and new fossil fuel projects to align with a 1.5°C warming trajectory.

The document examines how Multistakeholder Initiatives (MSIs) and corporate entities influence the UN Food Systems Summit (UNFSS). It argues that the transition from state-led multilateralism to multistakeholderism allows transnational corporations and private foundations to direct policy and promote 'technofixes' and 'nature-based solutions' that maintain corporate dominance while ignoring structural inequalities and food sovereignty.

The document provides a comprehensive guide to adaptation communications (ADCOMs), which are voluntary reports used by countries to share climate adaptation priorities and needs. It outlines the four primary goals of ADCOMs: increasing the visibility of adaptation, strengthening support for developing countries, providing data for the global stocktake, and enhancing global learning. The text details flexible submission methods—standalone, in conjunction with, or as a component of other documents like NDCs or NAPs—and lists optional content elements ranging from national circumstances to gender-responsive actions. Finally, it explains how countries can leverage existing NAP processes to develop their ADCOMs, even if a final NAP document is not yet complete.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are voluntary reports under the Paris Agreement designed to synthesize a country's climate adaptation priorities, efforts, and needs. It outlines four primary goals: enhancing the visibility of adaptation relative to mitigation, strengthening support for developing countries, providing inputs for the global stocktake, and enhancing learning. Countries have flexibility in submission, choosing to provide ADCOMs as standalone documents, in conjunction with other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs. The guide emphasizes that ADCOMs are country-driven and should not create additional burdens for developing nations, suggesting that countries can synthesize existing information from their NAP processes to meet submission goals, particularly for the 2023 global stocktake.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are voluntary reports under the Paris Agreement designed to synthesize a country's climate adaptation priorities, needs, and lessons. It outlines four primary purposes: increasing the visibility of adaptation relative to mitigation, mobilizing support for developing countries, providing data for the Global Stocktake, and enhancing learning. The text details flexible submission methods—as standalone documents, linked to other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs—and emphasizes that ADCOMs should not create additional burdens for developing nations. It also provides a detailed list of optional content elements and explains how countries can leverage their ongoing NAP processes to inform their ADCOMs.

The document explains that Adaptation Communications (ADCOMs) are optional reports under the Paris Agreement used by countries to share climate adaptation priorities, needs, and lessons. It outlines four main objectives: increasing attention to adaptation, strengthening support for developing countries, contributing to the Global Stocktake, and improving knowledge of adaptation measures. Countries can submit ADCOMs as standalone documents, jointly with other reports, or as components of existing documents like NDCs or NAPs to minimize administrative burdens. The text emphasizes that ADCOMs are country-driven, flexible, and not intended for direct comparison between parties.

The September 2021 Global Update by the Climate Action Tracker (CAT) finds that global climate action continues to lag behind the requirements for limiting warming to 1.5°C. While some countries have updated their NDCs, the 2030 emissions gap remains significant, estimated at 20 to 23 GtCO2e. The report introduces a new rating system that integrates targets, policies, and climate finance, revealing that only The Gambia is overall 1.5°C Paris Agreement compatible. Most net zero targets are rated as poor or incomplete, and developed countries are failing to provide sufficient international climate finance or implement policies that align with their fair share of global mitigation efforts.

The paper surveys 29 long-term climate strategies (LTSs) submitted to the UNFCCC, representing 42 countries and 28% of global emissions. It finds a growing trend toward net-zero targets, an increasing focus on the fundamental economic and societal shifts required for transition, and a reliance on both natural and technological carbon removals. The analysis highlights that while most strategies include midcentury goals and modeling, the level of detail regarding adaptation and just transition varies, and some parties acknowledge gaps between their most ambitious scenarios and their final targets.

Large financial institutions are increasingly acquiring smaller firms specializing in environmental, social, and governance (ESG) expertise to improve their analytical capabilities regarding climate risk. This trend is driven by the need for high-quality data and the ability to integrate forward-looking climate scenarios into risk frameworks, partly spurred by the TCFD recommendations. The author predicts a similar wave of M&A activity will shift toward 'climate alignment'—the process of aligning portfolios with 1.5°C targets—as financial firms seek the proprietary data and technology necessary to meet net-zero commitments.

The document examines the civil war in Cameroon's North-West and South-West regions, which began in 2017 following the violent suppression of protests against francophone domination. It highlights the deep-seated grievances of the anglophone minority, the failure of the 2019 Major National Dialogue, and the critical role of the diaspora in providing financial support, media coverage via the SCBC, and international advocacy. The author argues that the conflict is rooted in post-colonial flaws and recommends an international settlement, potentially including a new referendum.

The energy transition increases demand for minerals like cobalt, nickel, and lithium, which are often sourced from poorly regulated mines in a few countries, leading to human rights abuses and environmental damage. While recycling and new battery technologies could reduce this demand, current recycling rates remain low, and the industry requires more transparent, enforceable sustainability standards.

The document argues that African states must shift from a strategy of blocking new negotiations to one of active participation to avoid becoming 'rule takers' in the global trade system. It specifically recommends narrowing the TRIPS waiver proposal to focus solely on COVID-19 vaccines to secure broader support and suggests that African states prioritize a few key development outcomes from the stalled Doha Round while engaging in Joint Statement Initiatives (JSIs) on e-commerce and investment. The brief also emphasizes the need for the African Union to coordinate common policy positions and the establishment of regional vaccine production hubs in countries like South Africa, Senegal, Algeria, and Tunisia.

The document analyzes the devastating impact of COVID-19 on South Africa's economy, noting a 7% contraction in 2020 and a record unemployment rate of 32.6% in Q1 2021. It highlights that initial relief measures, such as the R500 billion rescue package, were poorly implemented, with only one-third materializing by February 2021. The brief details severe job losses in construction, trade, and manufacturing, and notes that women and informal workers were disproportionately affected. It specifically identifies a 'second pandemic' of gender-based violence and femicide (GBV-F), with annual costs estimated between R28.4 billion and R42.4 billion. To mitigate these crises, the IEJ recommends replacing the Loan Guarantee Scheme with grants, extending the TERS wage support, reinstating the SRD grant at R585 per month, and increasing public infrastructure spending.

The document advocates for Amendment 20 to the Environment Bill, which would require the UK to reduce PM2.5 levels to 10 µg/m3 or less by January 1, 2030. It argues that current legal limits are insufficient to protect public health, citing the social cost of air pollution at over £20bn annually and the specific risks to children and those with pre-existing conditions. The briefing asserts that achieving WHO guidelines is technically feasible and necessary for the UK to demonstrate global leadership in air quality, especially ahead of COP26.

The report outlines a framework for Canada's first National Adaptation Strategy (NAS), drawing on a review of 12 policy instruments from 11 countries. It identifies a global trend where adaptation planning is increasing and regularly updated, but implementation and monitoring and evaluation (M&E) remain weak. For Canada, the authors recommend establishing clear institutional arrangements, a unified climate risk assessment approach, and a robust M&E system. The report emphasizes the need for deep engagement with Indigenous Peoples to advance reconciliation and the integration of gender equality and social inclusion through Gender-Based Analysis Plus (GBA+). It also suggests bridging the gap between climate adaptation and disaster risk reduction (DRR) and elevating nature-based solutions.

The document provides an overview of the May 11, 2021, draft consolidated text for a WTO agreement to discipline fisheries subsidies. It outlines three substantive pillars: prohibitions on subsidies for illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing; subsidies for overfished stocks; and subsidies contributing to overcapacity and overfishing (OFOC). The brief highlights the 'hybrid' approach for OFOC, which prohibits specific subsidy types unless management measures are in place to maintain biologically sustainable levels. It also details proposed special and differential treatment (SDT) for developing countries and least developed countries (LDCs), including potential exemptions based on GNI per capita or share of global marine capture. Finally, it addresses institutional issues such as transparency, notification requirements, and the role of a potential new Committee to oversee implementation.