Search Climate Insights Directory

The author contends that traditional Security Sector Reform (SSR) fails to erase gender hierarchies in the military because it focuses exclusively on the public sphere. By analyzing interviews with soldiers in Burundi and South Africa, the paper identifies three 'societal borders'—resistance to women in combat, the role of women as primary caregivers, and perceived male superiority—that originate in the private sphere and perpetuate exclusion and discrimination in the public military environment. The author proposes a 'radical' SSR model that integrates private experiences, such as addressing domestic violence and regulating parental leave, to achieve genuine gender equality.

The document analyzes the role of the Assembly of Civil Society (ASC) in the Guatemalan peace process (1990–1996). While the ASC successfully influenced agreements on indigenous rights, it was marginalized during sensitive negotiations on the Truth Commission to avoid derailing the peace process. The author argues that this illustrates a conflict between process-related norms (inclusivity) and the paramount goal of stopping violence, suggesting that international support should shift toward empowering civil society during the implementation phase of peace agreements.

The report argues that countering disinformation requires a shift from merely correcting false claims to building holistic societal resilience. It analyzes the 'psychological defence' model, specifically the Swedish Psychological Defence Agency (MPF), and evaluates Norwegian and European approaches. Key findings suggest that while Norway has high institutional trust, it lacks the centralized coordination seen in Sweden. The authors recommend that Norway strengthen national coordination, clarify conceptual terminology to avoid 'militarizing' social issues, and prioritize strategic, transparent communication to maintain public trust outside of crisis periods.

The authors examine the methodological debate surrounding the use of mosques as recruiting grounds for research on Muslims in Europe. While acknowledging critiques regarding sampling bias and the 'lived religion' perspective, they argue that terms like 'organized' or 'member' are too imprecise to invalidate mosque-based sampling. Using the FINEX project in the Nordic countries as a case study, they suggest that the 'technologization' of mosques (via social media and email) and their institutional role in European societies actually increase their utility as research entry points. They recommend a stratified approach to sampling and the separation of recruitment from the actual data collection environment to ensure ecological validity.

The research examines the intersection of Norway's national identity as a gender-equal and peace-promoting nation with its diplomatic practices. Through interviews with ten diplomats, the authors analyze how 'state feminism' has transitioned from domestic policy to foreign policy, specifically within the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda. The findings highlight a strategic tension: while Norway promotes gender equality to enhance its international branding and credibility as a neutral facilitator, it avoids the explicit label of 'feminist foreign policy' to prevent being perceived as too value-driven or Western, which could jeopardize its role as a benign peace facilitator. The document notes a shift from early, male-dominated peace efforts to more professionalized, gender-balanced teams in recent processes like those in Colombia and the Philippines.

The research examines why some international armaments collaborations succeed while others fail, challenging the 'process' approach of institutional reform. By comparing the failed Viking submarine project (Norway, Denmark, Sweden) and the successful Storm Shadow missile project (UK, France, Italy), the authors argue that formal alliance bonds—specifically NATO membership—provide the necessary incentives for governments to overcome domestic opposition and industrial rivalries. The paper concludes that security ties and high politics outweigh the influence of similar political economies, cultural affinities, or complementary industrial capabilities.

The policy brief identifies a gap between the climate commitments of institutional investors and their actual impact on corporate behavior, citing limited transparency and high barriers to shareholder action. It proposes four primary reforms to the Shareholder Rights Directive (SRD) II: introducing a mandatory 'Say on Climate' vote every three years, ensuring legal security for submitting environmental resolutions, increasing transparency requirements for asset owners, managers, and proxy advisors, and lowering the shareholding threshold for submitting resolutions to a maximum of 2% (and 0.2% for large companies).

The report proposes 'natural capitalism' as a new economic model where businesses profit by radically increasing resource productivity, eliminating waste, shifting from selling products to providing services, and investing in the restoration of natural capital. It argues that the current industrial model is logically flawed because it liquidates the ecosystem services upon which all life depends. By applying whole-systems thinking, the authors claim companies can achieve significant cost savings and competitive advantages, citing examples from firms like Southwire, Dow, and Interface. The text suggests that while governments can support this transition through tax policy, corporations possess the necessary agility and resources to lead the effort to heal the planet.

The text examines the crisis of freshwater depletion and proposes 'natural capitalism' through water efficiency. It details technological and behavioral shifts in agriculture (drip irrigation), landscaping (xeriscaping), and building systems (waterless toilets, graywater recovery), while advocating for decentralized biological wastewater treatment like 'Living Machines'.

The report posits that climate change is an artifact of resource inefficiency and that mitigating it can be done at a profit. It highlights that energy efficiency, switching to low-carbon fuels, and improving forestry and farming practices can reduce greenhouse gas emissions while lowering costs for businesses and governments. The text argues against the necessity of nuclear power, citing its high cost and market failure, and instead promotes wind, solar, and combined-cycle gas turbines. It suggests that market-oriented policies, such as those established by the Kyoto Protocol and the Montreal Treaty, can incentivize carbon reductions through trading mechanisms. The document concludes that the transition to a low-carbon economy can be managed without net job losses, provided there is transitional support for displaced workers in the fossil fuel sector.

The text examines the gap between theoretical 'perfect' markets and real-world economic behavior, specifically regarding the under-investment in energy and resource efficiency. It identifies failures in capital allocation, organizational inertia, and perverse regulatory incentives that discourage sustainability. The author proposes solutions such as 'negawatt' markets, decoupled utility earnings, and improved informational feedback loops to align profit motives with the preservation of natural capital.

The text examines the ideological divide in environmental debates and proposes 'natural capitalism' as a synthesis that integrates economic viability with ecological health. It argues that businesses must shift from incremental improvements to systemic innovations in resource productivity to avoid catastrophic environmental failures. The author highlights a growing global movement of organizations and a shift in corporate strategy—exemplified by companies like OK Petroleum—that view environmental sustainability as a competitive advantage rather than a regulatory burden. Ultimately, it calls for a fundamental reevaluation of how society values natural and social capital to ensure long-term stability.

The text analyzes 'industrial metabolism,' contrasting the circularity of biological systems with the linear, wasteful nature of industrial production. It quantifies the massive scale of material waste in the United States, the social waste of unemployment and incarceration, and the financial waste embedded in the GDP. The author contends that GDP is a flawed metric because it counts environmental and social decay as economic growth, and calls for a new economic model that values natural and human capital to ensure long-term viability.

The text explores the application of 'lean thinking'—the systematic elimination of 'muda' (waste)—to business operations and the broader economy. It advocates for 'service and flow,' where companies provide the function of a product as a service rather than selling the physical object. This shift is presented as a way to align the interests of providers and customers toward resource productivity, reduce the volatility of the business cycle, and minimize environmental impact through dematerialization and closed-loop systems.

The document outlines four plausible scenarios for the year 2010 based on federal regulatory roles and financial environments. It advocates for a 'water soft path' paradigm shift, moving from centralized, demand-driven 'gray infrastructure' toward decentralized, efficient, and integrated 'green infrastructure.' The author identifies drivers for this transition, including end-use efficiency, waterless sanitation, stormwater harvesting, and technological spill-overs from the distributed energy revolution, such as fuel cells and hybrid-electric vehicles.

The report investigates the impact of a transition to a green hydrogen economy on TVET-level employment in South Africa, contrasting domestic development with international export opportunities. It identifies key sectors for skill development—including chemicals, electrical machinery, and PGM mining—and argues that while GHE jobs are expected to grow significantly after 2030, the TVET system must address structural gaps and develop specialized curricula in fuel cell and electrolyser manufacturing to support a just transition for workers in coal and refining.

The Gender and Energy Compact is a coalition led by UNIDO, ENERGIA, and GWNET, supported by several governments, to ensure women have equal opportunity to lead and benefit from the energy transition and equal access to sustainable energy services. The coalition targets five key outcomes: eliminating energy and time poverty for women, adopting gender-responsive energy policies, increasing resources for women-led businesses, improving career advancement for women in the energy sector, and enhancing the availability of sex-disaggregated data. Signatories are expected to submit individual commitments by 2030 to support SDG7 and SDG5.

The Sustainable Energy for All (SE4All) Global Facilitation Team (GFT) was established in July 2013 to catalyze the achievement of three 2030 targets: universal energy access, doubling energy efficiency, and doubling the share of renewable energy. In its first six months, the GFT established its office in Vienna, formed four Advisory Board Committees (Finance, Energy Access, Energy Efficiency, and Renewable Energy), and engaged 83 developing countries. Financial reports as of December 31, 2013, show total contributions of US$ 4,745,456 from Denmark and Sweden, with an overall expenditure delivery rate of 23%.

The Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) is an international non-profit research organization that integrates scientific research with policy analysis to promote sustainability. Operating through eight global centers, SEI focuses on climate change, water, air, and land use, while incorporating perspectives on governance, economics, gender, and human health. Its regional centers provide specialized expertise in areas such as sustainable urbanization in Africa, climate adaptation in Asia, and environmental governance in the Baltic region and European Union.

The document warns that post-pandemic recovery efforts risk entrenching carbon-intensive pathways through technological, political, and societal lock-in if governments prioritize a return to the pre-pandemic status quo. It identifies a narrow window of opportunity in 2020 to align economic stimulus with the Paris Agreement and Sustainable Development Goals. To achieve a sustainable transition, the authors propose five policy levers: conditional bailouts, environmental tax reform, green public procurement and finance, expanded social welfare, and just transition measures to support workers. The briefing highlights that while some regions like South Korea and the EU are pursuing green recovery plans, others, such as the US and China, are implementing measures that may reinforce fossil fuel dependency.