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The document examines the ongoing WTO negotiations on environmental goods, noting that current proposed lists of goods for liberalization primarily benefit developed countries, who account for 79 per cent of exports. To create a more balanced outcome, the author suggests expanding the definition of environmental goods to include environmentally preferable products (EPPs) of export interest to developing countries—specifically non-timber forest products and natural fibre products—and implementing Special and Differential Treatment (SDT) provisions such as delayed compliance and less-than-full reciprocity.

The report examines the complex relationship between the Buddhist Sangha and the peace process in Sri Lanka. It details the organizational structure of the Sangha, the influence of Sinhala Buddhist nationalism, and the emergence of politically active monks, specifically the Jathika Hela Urumaya (JHU) party. While many monks fear that a federal solution would lead to the division of the country and the betrayal of Buddhism, a minority of peace-activist monks and some high-ranking mahanayakas support a negotiated settlement. The report suggests that Norway, as a facilitator, should engage more deeply with influential monks to prevent them from becoming spoilers and to secure public support for a political solution.

The report examines the gap between global water scarcity models and the local realities of migration. It argues that while global indicators identify high-stress regions, they fail to account for local coping mechanisms, social vulnerability, and the diverse reasons people move. The authors contend that water scarcity is rarely the sole driver of large-scale refugee movements; instead, it interacts with political and economic factors. The document advocates for a livelihoods-based approach to policy that enhances community resilience and recognizes migration as a potential adaptive strategy rather than merely a crisis of 'environmental refugees'.

The report argues that a trade agreement between India and SACU is likely to be 'commercially shallow' and politically motivated rather than economically driven. It traces India's shift from a protectionist 'license-permit-quota raj' (1947–1991) to a strategy of 'incremental unilateralism' post-1991, where liberalisation is driven internally rather than by external trade deals. The author notes that India and South Africa are not natural trading partners, with trade heavily skewed by gold imports, and suggests that India's desire to preserve 'policy space' will lead to a limited agreement with significant 'negative lists' and minimal concessions in sensitive areas like agriculture and investment.

The paper critiques existing Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA), Social Impact Assessments (SIA), and political risk analyses for their failure to systematically address violent conflict. It proposes a Conflict-Sensitive Business Practice (CSBP) toolbox that integrates conflict analysis tools—such as conflict mapping and stakeholder analysis—across the entire project lifecycle. The authors emphasize that extractive projects are increasingly located in 'frontier areas' where mismanagement of community relations or environmental resources can trigger violence. The proposed CSBP approach advocates for participatory consultation, the establishment of 'no go' thresholds for conflict, and the identification of peacebuilding opportunities through shared environmental concerns.

The report identifies a significant gap between high-level policy and project-level implementation in peacebuilding efforts by the U4 governments. It recommends shifting impact assessment from individual projects to a strategic level and adopting formal frameworks for both general and case-specific intervention strategies.

The report claims that the first ten years of GM crop commercialization were a 'resounding failure', noting that promises of cheaper, higher-quality food and the solution to global hunger have not materialized. It highlights the dominance of Monsanto, the failure of the first GM tomato, and the rise of global opposition due to concerns over genetic contamination, biodiversity loss, and corporate control of seeds.

The report presents twelve reasons why large hydroelectric projects are incompatible with the goals of renewable energy initiatives. It contends that these projects fail to alleviate poverty, divert funding from cleaner decentralized technologies, and often suffer from underestimated costs and overestimated benefits. The text highlights severe social and environmental impacts, including the forced displacement of 40 to 80 million people and the emission of greenhouse gases from reservoirs. It further argues that large dams increase vulnerability to climate change, are inflexible and costly to build, and are not truly renewable due to sedimentation.

The fact sheet criticizes the US for leveraging food aid and World Trade Organization (WTO) disputes to pressure countries into accepting genetically modified foods. It highlights instances where African nations were forced to choose between GMO aid or famine during the 2002 food crisis and denounces new US legislation that potentially links AIDS assistance to the acceptance of GMOs. The document advocates for the 'precautionary principle' and the right of sovereign nations to reject GMOs, proposing five principles for food aid that prioritize local purchases, informed consent, and sustainable agricultural development over the commercial interests of the US biotechnology industry.

The report critiques the impact of trade liberalisation and corporate control on global food security, advocating for a shift toward localised, sustainable food systems and the recognition of food sovereignty as a fundamental right.

The document examines the global trend of water privatization, highlighting how the World Bank and IMF pressure developing nations to privatize water services as a condition for loans. It details the dominance of French multinationals Suez and Vivendi, and the impact of trade agreements like GATS on water access. Through case studies from Bolivia, Malaysia, Indonesia, and other regions, it documents tariff increases, environmental degradation, and social resistance, while proposing community-based management and 'soft path' alternatives to corporate control.

The document critiques the global trend of water privatization, highlighting how the World Bank and IMF use loan conditionalities to force poor nations to privatize water services. It details the dominance of French multinationals like Suez and Vivendi, the impact of trade agreements like GATS, and provides case studies from countries such as Bolivia, Malaysia, and Indonesia where privatization led to price hikes and social unrest. It advocates for water as a social and cultural good rather than an economic commodity, promoting community-based management and ecological restoration.

The author argues that while the end of the Cold War initially saw a rise in local conflicts, the overall trend is moving toward a more peaceful world. This optimism is grounded in the observed decline in the number of armed conflicts since the late 1990s and the positive influence of global trends such as poverty reduction, democratization, and the rise of international military interventions for conflict settlement. The analysis highlights that internal conflicts (civil wars) are the dominant form of violence and are most strongly linked to poverty, though the author distinguishes between 'greed' and 'grievance' motivations. The document also notes that while ethnic polarization and resource scarcity are often cited as causes of war, systematic evidence is often ambiguous or secondary to broader economic and political factors.

The document analyzes the conflict between corporate biotechnology and local communities defending agricultural diversity. It argues that the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the US government use trade sanctions and neoliberal policies to impose GMOs and monocultures, which lead to genetic erosion, loss of traditional seed varieties, and the displacement of small-scale farmers. Through case studies in Bolivia, Nicaragua, Uruguay, Ecuador, Indonesia, and Canada, it highlights the risks of genetic contamination, the privatization of water and seeds, and the failure of transgenic crops to deliver promised yields. The report concludes by calling for the recognition of food sovereignty, the application of the precautionary principle, and the protection of farmers' rights to save and exchange seeds.

The author examines whether democratic decentralization reduces poverty and inequality, arguing that while it can address regional disparities, it often fails to reduce intra-regional inequality due to elite capture. The paper identifies seven conditions—such as pro-poor ruling parties, political competition for poor voters, and the presence of pro-poor civil society coalitions—that can enable marginalized groups to gain from decentralized governance. Additionally, the author notes specific challenges in the environmental sector, particularly forestry, where bureaucratic cultures of policing hinder the transition to participatory management.

The document argues that proactive action on climate change can reduce costs, mitigate risks, and create competitive advantages. It outlines short-term strategies like emission tracking and 'no-regrets' energy efficiency, and long-term investments in clean technology and carbon trading. It emphasizes 'whole-systems thinking' to achieve radical resource efficiency and provides case studies of companies like BP, Dow, and Interface that have integrated sustainability into their business models.

The Basel Action Network and a coalition of environmental NGOs oppose the U.S. State Department's plan to selectively ratify the 1989 Basel Convention while refusing the 1995 Ban Amendment. The authors argue that the original convention is inadequate and that the Ban Amendment is essential to end 'toxic colonialism' by prohibiting hazardous waste exports from OECD countries to non-OECD nations. They contend that the ban provides a necessary incentive for industry to reduce waste production and toxicity, and they urge the U.S. to either ratify the entire framework or not accede to the treaty at all.

The document presents a series of case studies from Friends of the Earth (FoE) affiliates worldwide, highlighting grassroots efforts to combat deforestation, protect endangered species, promote organic food, and transition to renewable energy. It emphasizes the role of local communities—particularly indigenous peoples and women—in creating sustainable alternatives to corporate-led development. The report also outlines the organization's broader political agenda to challenge international financial institutions and multinational corporations, advocating for 'ecological debt' payments from the Global North to the Global South.

The paper examines the relationship between poverty and environmental degradation, arguing that while poverty does not necessarily cause degradation, the poor are disproportionately harmed by the loss of natural capital. It critiques the 'Environmental Kuznets Curve' and suggests that sustainable development requires tracking total wealth (natural, human, social, and physical capital) and strengthening institutional frameworks to manage common resources.

The report outlines eight key action items to protect marine and coastal biodiversity under the Convention on Biological Diversity, focusing on integrated management, protected areas, sustainable fisheries, and the mitigation of global threats like climate change and pollution.