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The report evaluates the integration of permanent carbon removals—specifically BioCCS and DACCS—into the EU ETS. It identifies a critical tension: while direct integration can drive deployment and maintain market liquidity as the emissions cap approaches zero, it risks 'abatement deterrence' where removals substitute for necessary emissions reductions. The authors warn that without supply controls, BioCCS deployment could exceed sustainable biomass limits, potentially harming biodiversity and LULUCF carbon sinks. To mitigate these risks, the report recommends a gradual integration strategy that maintains the gross emissions cap, implements technology-specific supply controls, and introduces differentiated allowances. It also emphasizes that the EU ETS alone is likely insufficient to incentivize high-cost technologies like DACCS or to achieve net-negative emissions post-2050, necessitating additional public funding tools and long-term policy frameworks.

The document examines the phenomenon of carbon leakage, where carbon pricing in one jurisdiction leads to increased emissions in others. It evaluates several mitigation tools, including Border Carbon Adjustments (BCAs), carbon cost containment measures (such as free allocations in ETS), subsidies, and product standards, while noting the political and practical hurdles of achieving a coordinated global carbon price.

The report finds that Japanese financial institutions are among the world's largest supporters of LNG expansion, providing billions in financing despite public commitments to carbon neutrality. It highlights a significant gap between these climate pledges and actual financial flows, particularly from four major banks and the Government Pension Investment Fund (GPIF). The document argues that this support locks in long-term fossil fuel dependence and risks creating stranded assets, especially in Europe and South Korea where gas demand is declining.

The report details how 18 South Korean investment banking institutions provided US$7.4 billion to LNG expansion between 2021 and 2023. It specifically highlights DB Financial, Kyobo Life Insurance, and KDB Financial Group as the primary contributors, accounting for 44% of this total. The document argues that this support fuels a climate disaster by locking in long-term fossil fuel dependence and increasing the risk of stranded assets, particularly through the financing of the Korea Gas Corporation (KOGAS).

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) asserts that a successful global plastics treaty must address the crisis at its source by capping production, as 99 percent of plastics are fossil-fuel derived and production is projected to triple by 2050. CIEL recommends a minimum 70 percent reduction in plastic production by 2050 relative to 2019 levels to align with 1.5°C climate goals. The document warns that current draft texts and the proposed "non-paper" by Chair Luis Vayas may lead to a weak agreement. Essential elements for an effective treaty include binding national targets, bans on hazardous chemicals (of which over 4,200 are known to pose risks), enforceable trade measures, and a financial mechanism such as a fee on primary polymer production. The authors highlight risks from industry lobbying and potential shifts in US policy following the re-election of Donald Trump.

The CCPI 2025 reports that while 61 of 64 assessed countries increased their renewable energy share over five years, the top three ranks remain vacant as no country performs well enough to meet Paris Agreement goals. Denmark ranks 4th, while oil and gas producers like Iran, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Russia are the lowest performers. The G20, responsible for over 75% of global emissions, shows poor overall performance with only the UK and India ranking as high performers.

The document details the progress of the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee (INC) toward a global plastics treaty, highlighting the divide between 'upstream' production controls and 'downstream' waste management. It discusses a 'non-paper' proposed by the chair to resolve 1,500 brackets of disagreed-upon text from INC-4, while noting that critical issues like plastic production, trade, and financial mechanisms remain unresolved.

The document outlines the structure of climate negotiations at COP29, listing various negotiating blocs such as the G77+China, EU, and AOSIS, while providing a glossary of terms and a calendar of thematic focus areas.

The document examines the role of Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanisms (CBAMs) in preventing carbon leakage and reducing emissions, with a primary focus on the EU CBAM. It argues that while the EU CBAM aims to promote global decarbonisation, it may only slightly reduce overall emissions while imposing significant economic burdens on developing nations, potentially costing them billions in income. The briefing highlights a growing, uncoordinated global trend of countries introducing their own carbon tariffs, which risks fragmenting trade and creating high compliance costs for small producers. It concludes that international cooperation, aligned with UNFCCC principles and supported by climate finance, is essential to ensure these mechanisms support global climate goals without unfairly penalising vulnerable economies.

CAPE highlights the health and environmental risks of plastic, noting that 460 million tonnes of new plastic are produced annually and that the industry is the fastest-growing source of global industrial greenhouse gases. The organization calls for a just Global Plastics Treaty that limits production, eliminates unnecessary plastics, and prohibits hazardous chemicals. CAPE specifically criticizes the Canadian government for missing production commitments in recent statements and urges leadership ahead of the fifth session of the Intergovernmental Negotiating Committee (INC-5) in Busan, Republic of Korea.

The re-election of Donald Trump may slow US clean technology deployment through the potential repeal of Inflation Reduction Act (IRA) funds and EV tax credits, potentially shifting leadership to emerging economies. The global market for six key technologies—solar PV, wind turbines, EVs, batteries, electrolysers, and heat pumps—is projected to exceed USD 2 trillion by 2035, with global trade reaching USD 575 billion. China currently leads with 70% of the market for these technologies, though it faces risks from proposed US tariffs of 60% on all imports and 100% on EVs. Other nations may benefit: India could become a net exporter of clean technologies by 2035 with annual exports of USD 30 billion, and Brazil is well-positioned in wind turbine blade production, currently accounting for 5% of the global market. In the Global South, renewable energy potential is 400 times greater than fossil fuel production, and solar is expected to have lower upfront costs than coal in Vietnam from 2024 and in India from approximately 2027.

The document argues that the Chair's third non-paper provides an adequate structure for negotiations at INC-5 but would result in an 'ineffective and useless treaty' if not significantly strengthened. CIEL advocates for replacing voluntary language with legally binding obligations, establishing a dedicated financial mechanism based on the polluter pays principle, and implementing global phase-outs of chemicals of concern. Key recommendations include introducing a freeze on new polymer production capacity, making national plans mandatory, and adopting a qualified majority voting system for the Conference of the Parties to prevent decision-making paralysis.

The document synthesizes two primary negotiating texts for a future global plastics treaty, highlighting critical gaps in the Chair's third Non-Paper compared to the Compilation draft. It details proposed articles on the full lifecycle of plastics, including primary polymer production, chemicals of concern, product design, waste management, and a just transition for waste pickers. The synthesis includes various options for mandatory and voluntary obligations, financial mechanisms, and the establishment of a governing body and subsidiary organs to end plastic pollution by 2040.

The report argues that a Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty can catalyze the financing necessary for a global just transition by establishing new funding regimes, creating state obligations, and supporting parallel financial reforms. It categorizes potential solutions into three clusters: debt management, new forms of finance and investment, and the replacement of fossil fuel revenues. The authors emphasize that wealthy nations must assume historical responsibility by ending extraction first and providing financial support to low and middle-income countries (LMICs) to diversify their economies.

The report examines Indonesia's GPP landscape, noting that public procurement accounts for over 45% of government spending (approximately 6.6% of nominal GDP). While a legal framework exists, GPP remains effectively voluntary due to a lack of enforcement. Key tools include Type 1 and 2 eco-labels, the Timber Legality Verification System (SVLK), and the Energy Efficiency Saving Label (LTHE). Major barriers include limited stakeholder knowledge, high costs of green products, and procurer risk aversion. The report recommends introducing easy-to-use tools like the CO2 Performance Ladder, enhancing capacity building, providing financial and non-financial incentives, and establishing a formal monitoring and evaluation system.

India aims to indigenize battery manufacturing through the PLI-ACC scheme to install 50 GWh of capacity by 2026, yet remains heavily reliant on imports for cells, components, and machinery. The report identifies six primary challenges: skilled labour shortages, a lack of testing and validation centres, dependence on imported critical minerals, insufficient recycling infrastructure, the need for ESG standards to ensure export competitiveness, and high import dependence for manufacturing equipment. It recommends prioritizing the localization of synthetic anodes, electrolytes, and LFP cathodes, while expanding R&D for next-generation technologies like sodium-ion batteries.

The November 2024 update reveals a three-year stagnation in global warming projections, with current policies setting the world on a path toward 2.7°C of warming by 2100. While renewable energy and electric vehicle deployment have seen record growth, these gains are offset by all-time high fossil fuel subsidies and increased funding for fossil fuel projects. The report warns that without a substantial increase in the ambition of 2030 and 2035 targets, the 1.5°C limit will likely be breached in the early 2030s, leading to a multidecadal overshoot.

The report examines how emerging technologies are being integrated into the civil nuclear sector to support the goal of tripling nuclear capacity by 2050. It highlights US-led diplomatic initiatives like the FIRST program, which promotes the export of next-generation reactors to counter Russian and Chinese influence. The text details technical advancements in neutron detection by the Bay Area Neutron Group and the IAEA's use of AI and satellite imagery for safeguards. It further explores the symbiotic relationship between AI and nuclear energy, where advanced reactors provide stable power for AI data centers while AI optimizes reactor design and safety through physics-informed machine learning and digital twins.

The AfCFTA Digital Trade Protocol (AfCFTA DTP), adopted in February 2024, establishes a comprehensive framework to integrate digital trade across Africa. The protocol covers 52 articles across 11 parts, addressing market access, data governance, digital inclusion, and trade facilitation. While it aims to unlock significant economic potential—with Africa's digital economy potentially reaching USD 712 billion by 2050—its success depends on the completion of eight ongoing annex negotiations and the ability of state parties to overcome infrastructure gaps and regulatory fragmentation. Key features include a focus on digital inclusion for MSMEs and the establishment of trust frameworks for cybersecurity and data protection, though some critics argue its data flow provisions may favor foreign big tech companies over local technology transfer.

The document refutes the claim that Canada can obtain internationally transferred mitigation outcomes (ITMOs) under Article 6.2 of the Paris Agreement by exporting LNG. It asserts that such exports likely do not reduce global emissions and that foreign buyers would not provide credits for free. The brief further notes that using Article 6.2 for coal-to-LNG switching would be a costly subsidy for domestic gas producers and would violate commitments against subsidizing fossil fuels abroad.