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The Energy Savings Insurance (ESI) instrument is designed to stimulate energy efficiency investments by small and medium enterprises (SMEs) by mitigating the risk that actual energy savings fall below projections. A pilot in Mexico's agro-industry sector targets 10 fast-track projects valued at USD 2.14 million, utilizing a package of surety insurance, credit lines from FIRA, and third-party verification by ANCE. Financial modeling indicates that the ESI package can absorb 60-80% of the impact of underperformance on debt service repayments, significantly reducing risk for both equity investors and loan providers. The report proposes scaling the initiative to 6-14 additional Latin American and Caribbean countries through a regional facility, with further replication planned for China, India, Indonesia, and Africa, aiming for a global potential of USD 10-100 billion in investments by 2030.

The author critiques the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) for focusing on income poverty and development aid rather than structural inequality and the link between social and environmental dimensions. While noting progress in poverty reduction and water access, the text highlights that global inequality is rising and environmental degradation is accelerating due to the consumption patterns of an expanding global middle class. The author asserts that industrialised countries, particularly the European Union, must assume global responsibility by meeting the 0.7% GNI official development assistance target and drastically reducing their per capita CO2 emissions to allow the Global South scope for sustainable development.

The document examines the diverse range of 'Sahel strategies' produced by multilateral actors, noting a general consensus on objectives—security, development, governance, and education—but significant variations in geographical scope and implementation capacity. It highlights that while some organisations possess substantial internal funding, others rely on external contributions, creating a risk that more powerful actors may dominate the region. The brief emphasizes the need for detailed action plans and transparent monitoring and evaluation mechanisms to avoid redundancy and ensure that interventions meet the needs of populations in core countries like Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, and Niger.

The paper argues that financial inclusion is essential for alleviating poverty and stimulating local economic development in Africa. It identifies significant barriers to formal banking for the rural poor, including strict 'Know Your Customer' (KYC) regulations, lack of documentation, and geographic distance from banks. Consequently, many rely on informal savings and credit schemes—such as esusu in Nigeria and susu in Ghana—and informal remittance networks, which provide flexibility but carry high risks due to lack of regulation. The author highlights M-Pesa in Kenya as a successful model of mobile-led financial inclusion, contrasting it with less successful attempts in other countries. The document emphasizes that physical infrastructure must be paired with financial literacy to be sustainable and recommends that governments create enabling regulatory environments, diversify financial products (including Islamic banking), and improve credit-reporting infrastructure for SMEs.

The report provides an 'Afro-realistic' analysis of accountability in Africa, contrasting the potential of continental initiatives like the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) and Agenda 2063 with the practical challenges of domestic implementation. It investigates the roles of the African Union (AU), national parliaments, ombudsman offices, and civil society in curbing executive power and ensuring sustainable peace. The text highlights a tension between economic development and democratic governance, noting that while some states achieve growth, it often occurs at the expense of human rights.

The report examines the intersection of energy poverty and gender inequality in West Africa, highlighting how socially determined roles lead to differential access to and use of energy services. It identifies significant barriers for women in the energy workforce and entrepreneurship, including gaps in STEM education and limited access to land and finance. The document assesses the existing regional and national policy landscapes, noting a general lack of gender-disaggregated data and limited collaboration between energy and gender ministries. It argues for a gender-responsive approach to energy planning to maximize the impact of interventions and achieve universal energy access by 2030.

The document analyzes how climate change increases the risk of food price shocks through both direct impacts on domestic harvests and indirect impacts via global commodity markets. It argues that while many import-dependent countries, such as Senegal, pursue self-sufficiency in staples like rice to avoid international volatility, this approach can create 'rice risk lock-in' by increasing exposure to domestic climate shocks and reducing agricultural diversity. The authors recommend a balanced strategy of diversifying food sources, diets, and import origins to build climate resilience.

The document argues that regreening, primarily through Farmer-Managed Natural Regeneration (FMNR), is a cost-effective solution for restoring degraded landscapes in Africa's arid zones. It details a six-step strategy for scaling these efforts: identifying existing successes, building a community of champions, resolving policy and legal barriers, implementing communication strategies, developing agroforestry value chains, and filling knowledge gaps through research. The report highlights significant achievements in Niger, where 5 million hectares have been regreened, and emphasizes the multiple economic, environmental, and social benefits of integrating trees into agricultural systems.

The report advocates for the scaling of regreening, specifically farmer-managed natural regeneration (FMNR), as a low-cost solution to food insecurity and climate change in drylands. It details a six-step strategy: identifying successes, building grassroots movements, addressing policy barriers, implementing communication strategies, strengthening value chains, and expanding research. Using examples from Niger, Mali, Burkina Faso, and Senegal, the authors argue that FMNR is more cost-effective and has higher survival rates than conventional tree planting.

The report analyzes the tense pre-election environment in Benin as it approaches a critical electoral cycle in 2015 and 2016. It highlights the failure to update the permanent computerized electoral list (LEPI) as a primary technical bottleneck, while noting that political calculations by various actors have contributed to the postponement of local elections. The document examines the risk of President Thomas Boni Yayi attempting to extend his term through constitutional review, though it concludes that legal barriers from the Constitutional Court and public sentiment make a third term unlikely. It also notes the decline in the credibility of Beninese civil society and recommends that ECOWAS and international partners provide technical assistance and diplomatic pressure to ensure a peaceful transition of power.

The paper identifies a rise in conflict events and fatalities in Africa since 2010, concentrated in five countries: Nigeria, South Sudan, Sudan, CAR, and Somalia. It uses the International Futures modelling system to project three scenarios to 2063: a 'Base Case' of continued moderate growth, an 'African Renaissance' of inclusive growth and stability, and 'Politics of the Belly' characterized by elite exploitation and instability. The authors argue that governance is the primary driver of stability and that while democratisation is a general trend, the transition period often increases the risk of violence.

The document analyzes the 'vertical' healthcare approach favored by Western nations—which targets specific diseases—versus the 'horizontal' approach traditionally used by China, which focuses on infrastructure and integrated systems. While both provided short-term emergency aid during the Ebola crisis, the author argues that China's long-term strategy of building healthcare infrastructure is more sustainable for African states. The brief suggests that an ideal response combines both systems and calls for increased cooperation between China and the West, alongside regular UN Security Council meetings on public health, to strengthen global health security.

The document examines the increasing visibility of organised crime in Dakar, specifically drug trafficking, counterfeit pharmaceuticals, and cybercrime. It highlights the risk of 'criminal governance' where illicit networks provide services and authority parallel to the state, often aided by the corruption of law enforcement officials. The authors argue that Dakar's cash-intensive economy and real estate market are highly vulnerable to money laundering. To combat this, the brief recommends improving law enforcement capacity, adapting the Penal Code, and enhancing international cooperation, particularly with France and South American countries.

The document analyzes the African Group's engagement at the UN Human Rights Council, noting a tension between a desire for regional leadership and a tendency to grant accused governments veto power over resolutions. While some 'human rights-friendly' states consistently support country-specific resolutions, others systematically abstain or oppose them, leading to an uneven response to crises across the continent and globally.

The document analyzes Côte d’Ivoire's efforts to relaunch its regional diplomacy under President Alassane Ouattara following two decades of instability. It highlights the country's economic strength as a primary asset and its goal to become an emerging economy by 2020. Key challenges include the need for security sector reform, national reconciliation, and the professionalization of its diplomatic corps to better align with the integration goals of ECOWAS and UEMOA.

The policy brief argues that Nigeria is experiencing a self-inflicted decline in its diplomatic standing within Africa. Despite being the continent's nominally largest economy as of May 2014, Nigeria's foreign policy is described as inchoate and ambiguous, hampered by a 'perverse hiatus' between its domestic ecology—marked by corruption and the Boko Haram insurgency—and its international ambitions. The author contends that Nigeria has lost its pre-eminence in Africa, failing to command respect even within ECOWAS and falling behind South Africa in governance and infrastructure. The document recommends that Nigeria prioritize domestic stability, clean government, and a recomposed social contract to restore its leadership role.

The document introduces the Participatory Social Return on Investment (PSROI) framework, a bottom-up approach designed to provide credible local-level evidence for the costing of community-based adaptation (CBA) strategies in agriculture. It argues that top-down national estimates risk mismatching funds with actual ground requirements, whereas the PSROI framework uses participatory workshops and a novel cost-benefit analysis to evaluate economic, social, and environmental impacts. The framework was piloted in Kenya and Senegal to test its scalability and effectiveness.

The paper argues that elections in Africa often trigger instability because they are primarily viewed as a means of accessing state resources. It suggests that stability requires 'inclusive political settlements' and a move away from 'electoral autocracy' where elections are used to consolidate power. The author emphasizes the need for credible Election Management Bodies (EMBs), legitimate domestic observation, and inclusive mediation mechanisms involving civil society and traditional leaders to prevent violence.

The paper examines why elections in Africa often trigger violence and fail to legitimise power, attributing this to high stakes regarding access to state resources. It argues that technical fixes are insufficient and that stability requires inclusive political settlements, credible election management bodies (EMBs), and robust domestic observation and mediation systems involving civil society and traditional leaders.

The paper examines electoral management in Benin, Cape Verde, Ghana, Nigeria, Senegal, and Sierra Leone, highlighting a trend toward independent or hybrid EMB models. It identifies critical challenges including the high cost of elections, executive interference in appointments and tenure, and the complexities of electoral dispute adjudication. The author argues that the effectiveness of EMBs is often undermined by a political culture of impunity and zero-sum politics, despite formal legal guarantees of independence.