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The report analyzes local content policies (LCPs) used by mineral-rich nations to increase the use of domestic labor, goods, and services in the mining sector. It details various policy instruments—ranging from mandatory quotas and ownership requirements to government incentives and voluntary business initiatives—and examines their practical application in countries such as Norway, Chile, Ghana, and Brazil. The document argues that LCPs often fail when implemented as blanket provisions without clear objectives or sufficient industrial capacity. It identifies critical prerequisites for success, including institutional readiness, a favorable business climate, and a long-term vision that transcends political cycles. The report concludes that effective LCPs require a combination of quantitative and qualitative measures, robust monitoring through key performance indicators, and strong partnerships between governments, mining firms, and local suppliers to ensure sustainable economic diversification.

The report identifies newly adopted policies in 25 major emitting countries and regions—representing 79% of 2012 global GHG emissions—that support long-term decarbonisation goals. These policies include carbon taxes, coal phase-outs, and support for renewable energy and electric vehicles, focusing on legislative decisions and executive orders with direct effects on reducing emissions.

The Canadian Association of Physicians for the Environment and supporting organizations argue that the proposed asbestos regulations contain critical gaps, specifically regarding legacy asbestos, mining residues, and industry exclusions. They recommend a comprehensive National Asbestos Strategy that includes a total ban on exports, the elimination of a 7-year exclusion for the chlor-alkali industry, and harmonized federal-provincial-territorial standards for end-of-life asbestos management.

The report examines the urgent need for innovation in mining due to declining productivity and rising costs. It details advancements in automation, electrification, and renewable energy, while highlighting the role of governments in ensuring these gains are shared with local communities. Case studies illustrate specific applications of AI, solar power, and new business models across Canada, Australia, Chile, and other regions.

The report analyzes energy pricing reforms in the MENA region, specifically within the GCC, following the 2014 oil price collapse. It argues that while price increases are a regional trend, they are not yet a norm and risk political instability if not accompanied by social safety nets and labor market reforms. The document details specific reform measures in countries like Saudi Arabia, Oman, and Morocco, and provides technical recommendations for international assistance to support a transition toward productive economies.

This executive summary from the 2018 'Brown to Green' report analyzes the progress of G20 countries toward a low-carbon economy. It highlights a significant gap between current Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and the goals of the Paris Agreement, noting that G20 energy-related CO2 emissions began increasing again in 2017 and that 82% of the G20 energy supply remains dependent on fossil fuels.

The document analyzes Saudi Aramco as a state-owned enterprise (SOE) that has successfully transitioned from American ownership to a globally competitive national oil company. It highlights the importance of operational autonomy and gradual nationalization in maintaining efficiency, while noting the risks associated with the company's economic dominance. The study also details Saudi Aramco's efforts to diversify the Saudi economy through industrial expansion and the In-Kingdom Total Value Add (IKTVA) program to increase localization.

The document argues that restricting California's oil production can significantly lower global CO2 emissions because a portion of the avoided production is not replaced by other sources. It estimates that for every barrel of oil left in the ground in California, global consumption would drop by 0.2 to 0.6 barrels, leading to a reduction of 80 to 240 kg of CO2 per barrel. The brief identifies several policy options, including ceasing new well permits, implementing emissions performance standards, and targeting production in pollution-vulnerable areas. It notes that such measures are cost-competitive with other California climate strategies and could address 'carbon leakage' by complementing demand-side policies. Additionally, the report highlights that many of California's most productive oil fields are more GHG-intensive than global averages and are located in disadvantaged communities, making production limits a matter of environmental justice.

The document argues that fossil fuel subsidies are often socially regressive and environmentally damaging, and that their reform can provide the necessary budgetary space to fund a just transition for workers and communities. It outlines strategies for successful reform, including market-based pricing, impact management, and stakeholder engagement, while highlighting the higher employment potential of renewable energy sectors compared to fossil fuels.

The report argues that Eskom is facing a liquidity and financial crisis driven by stagnant electricity demand and the high costs of its coal-fired power construction programme. Through system-level modelling and station-specific analysis, the study finds that the levelised costs of operating older coal stations (Arnot, Camden, Grootvlei, Hendrina, and Komati) exceed their system alternative value, meaning they can be replaced by cheaper alternatives without compromising security of supply. Specifically, decommissioning Grootvlei, Hendrina, and Komati early could save Eskom R12.5bn in present value terms. Additionally, the report finds that cancelling Kusile units 5 and 6 is economically viable if capital cost savings exceed a threshold of approximately R4.7bn. The authors conclude that South Africa no longer requires new nuclear, coal, or gas procurement, as solar PV and wind have become the most competitive new-build options.

The report finds that 16 of the 25 major emitting countries and regions analysed are not on track to meet their self-determined NDC targets. While some countries like Brazil, China, and India are likely to achieve their targets with current policies, others, including the US, EU, and Canada, require additional measures. Furthermore, current policies are projected to fail to prevent emissions from increasing up to 2030 relative to 2010 levels in both developing and OECD nations, with only Japan and the EU projected to see further decreases.

Scientists for Global Responsibility and other campaign organisations condemn the sponsorship of 'New Scientist Live' by Shell and BAE Systems, arguing that such partnerships provide unethical companies with unmerited social legitimacy and allow them to deflect from their environmental and human rights impacts.

The ATT Monitor 2017 report finds that while the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) has seen steady universalization, progress in public reporting is disappointing in both quantity and quality. Analysis of 2015 Annual Reports reveals significant discrepancies between reported exports and imports, with only 6% of analyzed small arms and light weapons (SALW) transactions being exactly mirrored. The report highlights a critical gap between reported implementation measures in Initial Reports and actual practice on the ground. It also introduces the 'Risk Watch' tool, which uses a typology of individual, group, institutional, and conflict violence to identify contexts where arms transfers may fuel human rights abuses.

The executive summary outlines a framework for countries to conduct voluntary self- and peer reviews of fossil fuel subsidies (FFS). It describes the 'building blocks' of these reviews—including scope, definition, measurement, and evaluation—and provides practical recommendations based on the experiences of countries such as China, Finland, New Zealand, Peru, and Sweden. The guide emphasizes that these reviews are tools for peer learning and domestic reform rather than compliance mechanisms, aiming to align subsidies with sustainable development and international commitments like those of the G7, G20, and the UN Sustainable Development Goals.

The document examines the gap in the Paris Agreement regarding fossil fuel supply and proposes mechanisms to address it. It suggests that countries could use Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and Long-Term Strategies (LTSs) to articulate production phase-downs. The authors argue that such actions would provide clearer signals to financial markets, foster international norms, and support a just transition for affected workers. The paper identifies several entry points within the Paris Agreement, including the enhanced transparency framework, the global stocktake, and finance reform, while acknowledging that consensus-based decision-making in the UNFCCC may require a 'coalition of the willing' to lead by example.

The 2017 Allianz Climate and Energy Monitor finds that while emerging markets like China and India are seeing a boom in renewable energy installations driven by falling costs, OECD countries—specifically Germany, the UK, and France—remain the most attractive investment destinations due to stable policy frameworks. The report highlights a significant investment gap, stating that G20 countries must roughly double annual investments to meet Paris Agreement goals, with absolute needs reaching USD 709 billion per year (2012 prices) between 2014 and 2035. It notes a global shift from feed-in tariffs to auction-based support systems and warns that governments must now transition from focusing on generation to holistic power system design to integrate variable renewables and avoid curtailment.

The author contends that Islamic State employs a strategy of provocation designed to trigger military escalation and social insecurity in Europe, which in turn fuels Islamophobia and recruitment. The document argues that orthodox security responses, which sacrifice personal freedoms for national security, actually support Islamic State's objectives by validating its narrative of Western aggression. It suggests that Islamic State is less coherent and powerful than portrayed, noting that its leadership includes pragmatic ex-Ba'ath Party officers and that many European attacks are 'outsourced' to individuals with limited organizational ties. The author advocates for a shift in policy where security is viewed as interdependent with civil liberties, arguing that bolstering the rights of minority communities and rejecting the 'clash of civilisations' narrative is the most effective way to delegitimize the group.

The document analyzes how conservative religious lobbyists, primarily from the US and the Vatican, collaborate with various states to challenge international human rights language and gender equality policies at the UN. It details their shift from outside activists to influential insiders, their use of 'traditional family values' and 'national sovereignty' as secular arguments to bridge ideological divides, and the formation of formalized blocks like the Group of Friends of the Family (GoFF). The brief also highlights specific challenges to the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, including the impact of the US 'global gag rule' and the Holy See's essentialist view of gender roles.

The Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Index ranks 153 countries based on 11 indicators across three dimensions: inclusion (education, employment, parliamentary representation, cellphone use, and financial inclusion), justice (legal discrimination, son bias, and discriminatory norms), and security (intimate partner violence, community safety, and organized violence). Iceland ranks first (.886), while Afghanistan and Syria rank last (.385). The report finds that while some countries perform well across all dimensions, many exhibit unbalanced achievements; for example, Latin America performs well on justice but poorly on inclusion. The index also highlights a disconnect between national income and women's well-being, noting that countries like Saudi Arabia rank significantly lower on the index than their per capita income would suggest. Additionally, the report analyzes the specific impact of conflict on security, noting that women in conflict-affected states face a 35 percent higher risk of intimate partner violence.

The document asserts that meeting the Paris Agreement's goals of keeping warming "well below 2°C" requires a phase-down of coal, oil, and natural gas production. It identifies six primary mechanisms within the UNFCCC framework to achieve this: incorporating supply-side targets in Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), planning managed declines in long-term low greenhouse gas emission development strategies (LTSs), tracking extraction via the global stocktake, providing technical capacity-building support, redirecting finance away from fossil fuel infrastructure, and providing developed-country assistance to developing nations for economic transitions.