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The research paper examines the failure of the first version of Norway's 'Smittestopp' app, which was launched in April 2020 and cancelled in September 2020. The author argues that the app's failure highlights a tension between 'technological utopianism' and the rule of law, specifically regarding data protection and privacy. The document details how the app was criticized by the Norwegian Data Protection Authority (DPA) and the tech community for being 'disproportionately intrusive' and 'experimental'. It further analyzes the government's response to this failure, noting a tendency to blame 'Big Tech' (Google and Apple) and a lack of humility in accepting legal criticisms. The author concludes that the Smittestopp saga demonstrates the rising political importance of GDPR compliance and the critical role of private-sector tech activists in providing democratic oversight when traditional civil society organizations remain silent.

The author examines the post-communist trajectories of Central and Southeastern Europe, arguing that the collapse of communism was foreseeable and constituted a comprehensive revolution. The text analyzes debates over whether the process was a 'transition' or 'transformation' and identifies key determinants of democratic consolidation, such as the absence of war, the role of the European Union, and educational attainment. It specifically refutes the 'ancient hatreds' myth regarding the Yugoslav meltdown, attributing the conflict instead to system illegitimacy, economic decay, and the agency of leaders like Slobodan Milošević.

The Astana process, initiated by Russia and co-sponsored by Turkey and Iran, emerged in 2017 as a parallel track to UN-led peace talks in Syria. While it achieved some tangible results in ceasefire and de-escalation, the document argues that it has been heavily instrumentalized by its sponsors to serve their own geopolitical interests. This has led to significant deficits in representation, as participants were selected based on political preferences rather than inclusivity, and a lack of Syrian ownership, effectively transforming the Syrian crisis into a negotiation among three external 'guarantor powers'.

The research examines why self-determination groups adopt different strategies to achieve greater self-rule. By analyzing 146 groups across 77 states from 1960 to 2005, the author finds that while some factors like economic discrimination and independence demands increase the likelihood of both non-violent and violent irregular politics, others—such as group size and internal fragmentation—differentially drive groups toward either civil war or non-violent campaigns.

The study finds that one in three Ukrainians experienced food insecurity in the weeks following the 2022 Russian invasion. Both direct military attacks on individuals and indirect attacks on their municipalities significantly predict higher levels of food insecurity, with direct victimization having the strongest effect. These findings persist regardless of age, education, or socioeconomic status, though indirect attacks on municipalities were found to have a more adverse impact on men.

Reclaim Finance analyzes the EU's decision to include gas and nuclear energy in its green taxonomy. The report argues that the criteria for gas—such as the 270 gCO2e/kWh emission threshold and the 2030 construction deadline—are incompatible with the 1.5°C goal and risk creating stranded assets. Regarding nuclear energy, the report contends that long construction times and the lack of operational geological waste storage by 2050 undermine its status as a 'transitional' activity, while noting that only France and Finland currently have advanced storage projects.

The Russian Fossil Fuel Exclusion List identifies Russian-headquartered companies from the Global Coal Exit List and Global Oil & Gas Exit List, as well as major non-Russian coal and oil and gas companies active in Russia, for the purpose of financial divestment.

The briefing identifies five 'non-conventional' oil and gas sectors that pose disproportionate risks to the 1.5°C warming limit and the environment. It details the high carbon intensity of oil sands and shale, the methane leakage associated with LNG and shale, and the ecological fragility of the Arctic and deepwater offshore environments. The document also highlights the financial instability of these sectors, citing high operational costs and the risk of stranded assets, and calls on French financial actors to adopt exit strategies.

The text examines the gap between theoretical 'perfect' markets and real-world economic behavior, specifically regarding the under-investment in energy and resource efficiency. It identifies failures in capital allocation, organizational inertia, and perverse regulatory incentives that discourage sustainability. The author proposes solutions such as 'negawatt' markets, decoupled utility earnings, and improved informational feedback loops to align profit motives with the preservation of natural capital.

The document examines the pharmaceutical landscape in Southern Africa, highlighting how weak regulation, fragmented registration policies, and intellectual property constraints hinder access to essential medicines. It discusses efforts by SADC and NEPAD to harmonise regulatory standards to reduce costs and improve safety, while noting that national sovereignty concerns and the dominance of larger states like South Africa complicate these efforts. The analysis emphasizes the critical role of generic medicines and the influence of global trade agreements like TRIPS on regional health outcomes.

The document details a roundtable on restoring multilateral trade cooperation, focusing on the impact of mega-regional agreements (TPP, TTIP) and Global Value Chains (GVCs) on Africa. It assesses the Trade Facilitation Agreement's (TFA) new approach to Special and Differential Treatment (SDT), argues that the Doha Round's 'single undertaking' approach is a structural failure—particularly in agriculture—and suggests a 'critical mass' plurilateral approach as an alternative. The discussions emphasize that African countries must move beyond raw material exports by proactively engaging in GVCs and regional integration while navigating the shift from market-access negotiations to rule-based trade frameworks.

The document examines Brazil's trade policy from the post-WWII import-substitution era to the mid-2000s. While Brazil achieved significant trade surpluses and productivity gains following liberalization in the 1990s, the author argues that these successes are largely due to global economic conditions rather than current government strategy. The paper highlights the 'Brazil Cost'—a combination of bureaucracy, infrastructure deficits, and high taxes—as a primary barrier to competitiveness. It further critiques the current administration's tendency to prioritize geopolitical goals over commercial interests in trade negotiations and calls for a more strategic, transparent, and institutionally coordinated approach to trade reform.

Russia maintains ties with Mozambique and Zimbabwe based on Soviet-era liberation movement relations, focusing on education, mining, and military cooperation. Zimbabwe's alignment increased during the late Mugabe era due to shared experiences with Western sanctions, while Mozambique has seen Russian involvement in fisheries, oil, and a failed intervention by the Wagner Group against Islamist insurgents.

Russia is attempting to revive historical ties with Tanzania and Zambia, focusing on military collaboration, nuclear power, and education, although many agreements have not materialized. While Zanzibar has become a destination for Russian tourists, both Tanzania and Zambia have sought debt relief from Russia to fund development.

The document analyzes the economic resilience of Senegal and Mali from 2000 to 2022, noting that Mali has faced more domestic shocks due to climate and security vulnerabilities. While both countries used expansionary fiscal and monetary policies to mitigate crises, they remain dependent on debt. The authors recommend counter-cyclical policies, structural diversification of trade and industry, investment in human capital, and improved governance to build future resilience.

The document finds that most African countries failed to maximize the opportunity for a green recovery following COVID-19, primarily due to a massive financing gap and a lack of mainstreaming climate action into national economic planning. While South Africa and Nigeria adopted recovery plans with green components, others like Senegal, Uganda, and Benin showed little overlap between their pandemic responses and NDCs. The author argues for reforming global development finance, implementing carbon taxes, and creating green sovereign wealth funds to bridge the gap between climate ambitions and available resources.

The report examines the 2022 Russian seizure of the Zaporizhzhia Nuclear Power Plant (ZNPP) as a precedent that exposes critical gaps in international nuclear safety laws. It argues that existing frameworks, including the Pelindaba Treaty, are insufficient to address contemporary risks such as the military occupation of operational plants, drone warfare, and the targeting of supporting infrastructure like power grids and dams. The authors highlight severe human rights violations against ZNPP personnel and the limited enforcement mandate of the IAEA. To safeguard Africa's growing nuclear ambitions, the report recommends the African Union adopt a common position on nuclear safety during conflict, advocate for binding international regulations to prevent the occupation of nuclear facilities, and expand protections to include critical supporting infrastructure.

The G20 Energy Access Action Plan focuses its first phase on improving electricity access in sub-Saharan Africa, where approximately 620 million people lack power. The plan proposes six key areas for collaboration: policy and regulatory environments, technology deployment, investment and finance, capacity building, regional integration, and coordination. It emphasizes a flexible, voluntary approach that respects national sovereignty over energy mixes. The document also compiles 'good practice' case studies from G20 members—including Argentina, Australia, Brazil, China, India, Korea, Mexico, Russia, Singapore, and Turkey—and details specific international development projects in Africa led by the UK, France, Germany, and Italy, as well as the African Union's Geothermal Risk Mitigation Facility.

The report evaluates the extent to which gender considerations are embedded in national energy policies and the corporate practices of energy companies. It utilizes a scoring system to analyze female participation, economic empowerment, education, and labor rights across different income levels and energy sectors, including renewable energy, energy efficiency, and electrification.

The Republic of Armenia's Third Nationally Determined Contribution (NDC 3.0) for 2026-2035 outlines economy-wide greenhouse gas (GHG) emission reduction targets and comprehensive adaptation strategies to address high climate vulnerability in a landlocked, mountainous region.