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The report argues that climate change shifts the probability curve of temperature and precipitation, making once-rare extreme events common. It highlights that while a 4°C rise in average temperature may seem small, it significantly increases the likelihood of deadly heat waves and catastrophic floods. The document cites specific examples from the United States, Russia, and Australia to illustrate the economic and social risks, attributing 90% of global warming to human activity and urging immediate emissions reductions and adaptation measures.

The document examines South Africa's intention to build a fleet of six new nuclear power stations to add 9,600 MW of capacity by 2020. It highlights the drivers of this expansion—including population growth, ageing infrastructure, and climate targets—while raising significant concerns regarding the financial stability of Eskom, the opacity of the tender process, and the rise of resource nationalism concerning uranium. The paper also details South Africa's nuclear diplomacy within Africa and its relations with global nuclear powers like Russia and France.

The report develops a methodology to translate global planetary boundaries into national per capita and absolute targets. It finds that developed countries, including Sweden, frequently transgress these boundaries, particularly when consumption-based footprints are measured. The study also quantifies Sweden's 'legal competence deficit' regarding its national environmental objectives, noting that for climate impact, Sweden has no direct legal control over over 99% of the emissions threatening its goals. Finally, it analyzes the gap between planetary boundaries and international environmental agreements, concluding that while policy frameworks often exist, there is a significant implementation gap.

Carbon Market Watch argues that existing carbon markets have collapsed due to oversupply and poor quality, specifically citing the CDM and JI. The briefing recommends strengthening additionality criteria, shortening crediting periods, and establishing mandatory human rights and sustainability safeguards. For new mechanisms like the FVA and NMM, it advocates for a binding international governance structure and a common transaction tracking mechanism to prevent double counting of emission reductions.

The report evaluates the 'Doha Gateway' decisions from a human rights perspective, noting that while human rights are not explicitly mentioned in the Doha outcomes, they are referenced via the Cancun Agreements. The analysis covers mitigation ambition, loss and damage mechanisms, REDD+ safeguards, the Clean Development Mechanism's lack of appeals processes, public participation under Article 6, and the adoption of 'gender balance' over 'gender equality'.

The document examines the structure and consequences of energy subsidies in Malaysia, noting that they disproportionately benefit high-income groups and create significant fiscal and environmental burdens. It details the mechanisms used to subsidize petroleum and electricity, the failures of the Subsidy Rationalisation Programme, and provides a framework for transitioning to market-based pricing while mitigating social impacts.

The author argues that BRICS is primarily a geopolitical vehicle designed to resist G-7 dominance, which makes a comprehensive trade agreement unlikely due to 'destructive competition' and internal trade disputes. While the group has successfully collaborated on multilateral WTO negotiations and 'low politics' issues like customs procedures, deep integration is avoided to prevent polarising debates. The document also notes South Africa's attempt to position itself as a 'gateway to Africa' within the BRICS framework.

The statement analyzes South Africa's role in the BRICS forum and its aspirations for global governance reform, while cautioning that domestic instability and military setbacks in the Central African Republic may undermine its international prestige and leadership in Africa.

The 2013 BRICS Youth Communiqué outlines a series of recommendations for the proposed BRICS Development Bank (BDB), advocating for an independent institution that is inclusive of all member nations regardless of financial status. The youth propose locating the bank in either Shanghai, China, or South Africa, utilizing the Chinese Renminbi (Yuan) as the primary currency, and establishing branches in each member state. The communiqué emphasizes a focus on the developing world, suggesting a phased approach starting with pilot projects within BRICS nations and the creation of a dedicated youth programme funding area for education and employment.

The document discusses the outcome of the COP18 meeting in Doha concerning the approximately 13 billion tonnes of CO2-equivalent surplus assigned amount units (AAUs) from the Kyoto Protocol's first commitment period (2008-2012). It identifies Russia, Ukraine, and Poland as the largest holders of these surpluses and notes that without restrictions, these units could allow countries to meet their second commitment period (2013-2020) targets without taking further action. The text outlines the various proposals from the African Group, AOSIS, Brazil, the G-77 and China, and Switzerland, as well as the internal EU compromise reached between countries seeking strict limits (Germany, UK, Denmark) and Poland.

The document discusses the tension between the EU's unilateral inclusion of international aviation in its Emissions Trading Scheme (EU ETS) and the need for a global agreement via ICAO. It warns against the use of low-quality offset credits, specifically industrial gas offsets and non-additional CDM credits, arguing that any global mechanism must prioritize real, permanent, and verified emissions reductions over supplementary offsets.

The report assesses worldwide methane emissions from the oil and gas sector, estimating 2010 emissions at 1,554 MMTCO2e. It argues that methane is a critical target for short-term climate mitigation due to its 20-year global warming potential (GWP) being 72 times that of carbon dioxide. The document details over 80 abatement technologies, such as vapor recovery units and infrared leak imaging cameras, while analyzing barriers including government price controls, lack of industry knowledge, and the complexities of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM).

The report assesses how carbon pricing affects the competitiveness and investment strategies of energy-intensive industries (EIIs). It finds that while carbon costs are a factor, they are often secondary to energy and raw material prices. The analysis highlights the risk of carbon leakage, where production shifts to regions with lower emissions costs, particularly as demand grows in Asia. The report emphasizes that current short-term policy horizons, such as the EU's 2020 targets, are insufficient for the 20- to 40-year investment cycles typical of these sectors, suggesting a need for longer-term regulatory certainty and support for breakthrough technologies like Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS).

The document analyzes the bipolar rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia within the Persian Gulf Regional Security Complex, examining how their competition for ideological leadership, regional security dominance, and energy market control influences their strategic engagement in Afghanistan. It explores the role of global powers—the USA, Russia, and China—in reinforcing these regional divisions and assesses the potential for a cooperative security architecture in the region.

The policy brief examines South Africa's role as a 'gateway to Africa' within the BRICS group, arguing that the country must move from rhetoric to a concrete commercial diplomacy strategy to secure tangible economic gains. It highlights the growth of BRICS-Africa trade and investment, while noting that engagement remains largely bilateral and continues a pattern of Africa exporting raw materials and importing manufactured goods. The author recommends that South Africa prioritize bilateral relations with key African states and utilize development finance institutions to support regional integration and infrastructure.

The document finds that while trade among BRICS nations has grown, intra-BRICS FDI remains low and lacks strategic policy direction. Most BRICS countries rely on traditional investors from the EU, US, and Japan, though China, India, and Brazil have increased resource-seeking investments in Africa. The briefing recommends collaborative research, comparative studies of investment frameworks, and improved statistics to foster sustainable, development-oriented FDI within the bloc.

The document analyzes the strategic relationship between Russia and South Africa, noting that while political ties are strong and mutually beneficial for challenging existing global governance structures (such as the IMF and G-20), economic cooperation remains significantly underdeveloped. It highlights South Africa's role as a gateway to the African continent and the potential for BRICS to serve as a coordination mechanism for developing nations to increase their bargaining power in global forums. The authors argue that increasing trade and investment flows is essential to making the BRICS forum more credible and reliable.

The document evaluates the transition from the Working Party on Aid Effectiveness to the Global Partnership for Effective Development Cooperation (GPEDC). It argues that while the new partnership is more inclusive, it struggles with a weak monitoring framework, slow operationalization of indicators, and a governance structure that still feels dominated by Northern paradigms. The author highlights the 'African Consensus' as a tool for continental coherence and notes the reluctance of major South-South providers like China, India, and Brazil to adhere to OECD-DAC standards, suggesting a need for separate Southern effectiveness frameworks.

The COP18 summit in Doha resulted in incremental progress, primarily the agreement of a second commitment period for the Kyoto Protocol (KP2) from 2013 to 2020. While the EU and several other nations committed to an average emission reduction of 18% below 1990 levels, major emitters including the US, China, Russia, Japan, Canada, and New Zealand did not approve or opposed the commitment. The summit failed to establish a concrete roadmap for the $100 billion annual climate finance target for 2020, though it introduced a new agreement to establish an international mechanism for "loss and damage" by COP19. The document highlights ongoing tensions regarding the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDR-RC) and the dispute over "hot air" carbon credits, particularly involving Poland and the EU.

The guidebook outlines a holistic approach to fossil-fuel subsidy reform in Southeast Asia, emphasizing a gradual transition to market-based pricing. It details methods for projecting economic and social impacts, designing mitigation measures such as targeted cash transfers, and building political support through internal coordination and external communication. The guide highlights that while subsidies are often intended to protect the poor, they frequently benefit wealthier populations and create fiscal burdens and environmental damage.