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The 2019 report by Global Energy Monitor, Sierra Club, and Greenpeace indicates a three-year decline in major growth indicators for coal-fired power generation. While global project pipelines and new licenses in China and India have dropped significantly, China remains a critical factor due to its financing of international projects and potential policy shifts regarding its domestic capacity ceiling. The United States led the world in coal plant retirements in 2018, despite political efforts to maintain aging plants. The report emphasizes that current operational coal capacity exceeds the limits required to meet IPCC climate goals of 1.5°C or 2°C warming.

The document argues that while President Jair Bolsonaro's administration represents a shift toward neoliberal economics and a closer alignment with the United States, these changes are unlikely to cause a schism within the BRICS. It suggests that Brazil's national interests will continue to drive cooperation, particularly in trade, development finance, and global governance. The author recommends that the bloc leverage Brazil's presidency to address trade imbalances with China through partial scope agreements and align the New Development Bank's loans with national development agendas to ensure financial sustainability.

The document analyzes the energy partnership between Russia and South Africa, noting that while a $76-billion nuclear deal was declared unlawful and abandoned, both nations maintain a strategic need for cooperation. Russia seeks to diversify its export markets through a 'Pivot to the East' to reduce vulnerability to global commodity shocks, while South Africa seeks to resolve a chronic electricity crisis. Current cooperation has shifted toward smaller-scale projects, such as an agreement between Rosatom and the South African government to build mini hydropower plants in Mpumalanga to power rural areas.

The briefing argues that the world is entering a period without formal arms control agreements between the US and Russia, increasing the risk of nuclear miscalculation and a new arms race. To counter this, the author introduces 'Nuclear Strategic Stability' (NSS) as a metric to assess postures and capabilities, and proposes a '10-point Code of Responsible Nuclear Weapon Capable States' based on restraint, relevance, reassurance, readiness, reciprocity, and reduction. The author outlines a three-gateway (T1, T2, T3) framework to transition from current deterrents to total disarmament, emphasizing that the security of states must be ensured through conventional arms control before final nuclear elimination can occur.

The document analyzes the tension between the International Criminal Court (ICC) and the African Union (AU), attributing the friction to perceived bias, the influence of the UN Security Council, and a clash between retributive and restorative justice. It explores the proposed African Court of Justice and Human Rights (ACJHR) and the Malabo Protocol as regional alternatives, while noting significant hurdles in funding and ratification. The author argues that while the ICC is limited by global power politics, Africa's path to accountability depends on the political will to ratify regional judicial frameworks and utilize hybrid courts.

The report serves as a reference tool listing over 60 UNFCCC decisions and reports that acknowledge the role of Indigenous Peoples and their traditional knowledge in climate mitigation and adaptation. It highlights the establishment of the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform and recalls the minimum standards for survival and dignity set by the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

The global tea market is growing, with retail value projected to reach USD 73 billion by 2024, driven by demand in Asia and the Pacific. While VSS-compliant tea grew significantly from 2.4% of the market in 2008 to 19.4% in 2016, the sector faces challenges including climate change, poor labour conditions, and a highly concentrated value chain. The report identifies significant opportunities to expand sustainable production in China, India, and Sri Lanka, as well as in LHDCs like Burundi and Uganda.

The document examines the discovery of natural gas in the Eastern Mediterranean and the subsequent formation of political alliances between Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Egypt. It evaluates three primary monetisation strategies: the East Med pipeline to Europe, a pipeline to Turkey, and a triangular strategy using Egypt as a gas hub. The author argues that while these projects are politically desirable for regional security and EU diversification, they face severe technical, financial, and geopolitical obstacles—including high construction costs, seismic risks, and volatile global gas prices—that may render them commercially unviable.

The document argues that a combination of systemic shifts—including a regional power vacuum, the discovery of hydrocarbons, and a more hostile Turkish foreign policy—and the pro-Western orientation of the Nikos Anastasiades government enabled Cyprus to move from a reactive to a proactive foreign policy. This shift is manifested in 'trilateral partnerships' with Greece, Israel, and Egypt, which serve as a balancing strategy against Turkey. While these efforts have enhanced Cyprus's regional role and security, the author suggests they may have led the government to overlook the domestic and intercommunal complexities of the Cyprus Problem.

The report examines the shift in Eastern Mediterranean geopolitics driven by hydrocarbon discoveries and the formation of trilateral partnerships (Greece-Cyprus-Israel and Greece-Cyprus-Egypt). It analyzes these alliances as a balancing act against Turkey's regional power projection and assertive foreign policy. While energy is a primary driver, the report notes that technical, economic, and political obstacles—such as the viability of the EastMed pipeline and maritime boundary disputes—hinder full monetization of gas reserves. The text also explores the domestic drivers of foreign policy in Cyprus and Greece, the historical perceptions of the region from an Israeli perspective, and Turkey's strategic ambition to become a regional energy hub.

The PRINCE project developed a hybrid model combining Swedish national statistics with the EXIOBASE MRIO database to track environmental pressures from Swedish consumption between 2008 and 2014. The research found an absolute decoupling between economic growth and several key environmental pressures, including greenhouse gas emissions and air pollutants, although GHG reductions remain insufficient for the Paris Agreement. Most environmental pressures from Swedish consumption, particularly hazardous chemical use and water consumption, occur outside Sweden, with China identified as a major geographic hotspot. The project also expanded indicators to cover deforestation, capture fisheries, and maritime shipping, highlighting that international trade drives a significant share of tropical deforestation emissions.

The 2019 Production Gap Report reveals that global fossil fuel production plans are significantly incompatible with the Paris Agreement goals. By 2030, planned production is projected to be 50% higher than consistent with a 2°C pathway and 120% higher than a 1.5°C pathway, with the largest gap occurring in coal. The report identifies that this gap is wider than the global emissions gap because governments continue to support production through subsidies, direct investment, and ambitious national targets. It examines 10 key producer countries and suggests 'supply-side' policies—such as extraction bans, subsidy reform, and just transition plans—to close the gap. The report emphasizes that international cooperation through the UN climate process and financial institutions is essential to manage an equitable decline in fossil fuel extraction.

The report assesses the adoption of electronic vessel tracking (ET), electronic monitoring (EM), electronic reporting (ER), and electronic traceability (ETr) across various countries and RFMOs. It finds that while vessel tracking has grown rapidly, fully integrated EFIS are rare due to proprietary systems, high upfront costs, and a lack of global standards. The authors recommend promoting 'Electronic Fishery and Seafood Information Systems' (EFSIS) to drive interoperability across the entire value chain.

The study finds that while most G20 members are implementing climate policies, only six are projected to meet their unconditional NDC targets with current measures, while eight require further action.

The statement evaluates the conclusion of COP24, noting that while negotiations were contentious, they established a foundation for the Paris Agreement's rulebook and set the stage for updated national climate commitments by 2020. It highlights progress on the Adaptation Fund and the agreement to set a new post-2020 finance goal, while criticizing the United States, Russia, Saudi Arabia, and Kuwait for opposing the IPCC 1.5°C report. The author emphasizes that the world has not yet begun to aggressively reduce global emissions and calls for bold action from heads of state.

The report finds that 16 of the 25 analyzed major emitting countries and regions are not on track to meet their self-determined NDC targets. While some countries like China and India are likely to achieve their targets, others, including the United States and Japan, require additional measures. Furthermore, current policies are projected to fail in preventing emissions increases up to 2030 relative to 2010 levels in a majority of the analyzed nations, including both developing and OECD economies.

The Allianz Climate and Energy Monitor 2018 evaluates G20 nations on their investment attractiveness for renewable energy and their long-term decarbonization strategies. France is ranked as the most attractive destination, while Russia ranks last. The report finds that most G20 countries lack binding long-term strategies and sufficient renewable energy targets to meet the Paris Agreement goals, although some previous stragglers like Saudi Arabia and Turkey are improving their policy environments.

The report finds that G20 countries are not on track to meet Paris Agreement goals, with energy-related CO2 emissions increasing again in 2017 and 82% of energy supply still coming from fossil fuels. It highlights significant gaps in sectoral actions—particularly in power, transport, and industry—and notes that fossil fuel subsidies in the G20 nearly doubled between 2007 and 2016. While some countries are implementing 'just transition' initiatives for workers, others lack dialogue or action.

The briefing examines the first EU-South Africa summit since 2013, highlighting the importance of attracting foreign direct investment and leveraging the EU's External Investment Plan. It notes that while the EU is South Africa's largest investment partner and a primary destination for manufactured exports, the partnership has struggled due to internal crises in both regions. The agenda includes economic cooperation, sustainable energy, multilateralism, and climate change.

The document outlines the framework for green panda bonds—yuan-denominated bonds issued in mainland China by foreign entities to fund green projects. It details the regulatory roles of the PBoC, CSRC, and NDRC, the requirements for foreign issuers (such as solvency and credit reputation), and the specific steps for issuance, including the need for green asset identification and post-issuance reporting. It highlights that while the market is growing, with China being the second largest green bond market as of October 2018, green panda bonds represent less than 1% of China's total green bonds. The guide also notes the dominance of commercial banks as investors and the role of external verifiers in ensuring alignment with both Chinese and international standards.