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The author contends that the European Green Deal should not be treated as a separate environmental policy but as a geopolitical tool. By diversifying its economy and leading in clean technologies, the EU can reduce its vulnerability to pressure from the US and China and decrease its reliance on fossil fuel imports from authoritarian regimes. The text emphasizes that the transition must also address the stability of oil-dependent regions in the Middle East and North Africa and prevent internal EU divisions between East and West to avoid external interference.

The document advocates for the integration of advanced nuclear energy into a diversified zero-carbon energy portfolio to mitigate the risks and costs associated with relying solely on variable renewables. It highlights nuclear's advantages in power density, dispatchability, and its ability to produce carbon-free hydrogen for hard-to-electrify sectors. While acknowledging challenges such as high costs, waste disposal, and public perception, the author suggests that standardized construction, advanced reactor designs, and supportive federal policies—specifically the Nuclear Energy Leadership Act (NELA)—can make nuclear a scalable and cost-effective tool for climate mitigation.

The report synthesizes the work of UN human rights treaty bodies (HRTBs), including the CEDAW, CESCR, and CRC, on climate change. It details how these bodies use state reporting, communications procedures, and general comments to hold States accountable for human rights violations caused by climate change and insufficient mitigation efforts. Key findings emphasize the need for highest-ambition emissions cuts, the phasing out of fossil fuels, and the protection of vulnerable groups, including women, children, and Indigenous Peoples.

The document distinguishes between actual conspiracies and conspiracy theories, noting that the latter are often driven by feelings of powerlessness and amplified by social media. It introduces the 'CONSPIR' acronym to identify seven traits of conspiratorial thinking and provides a toolkit for communicators, including 'prebunking' and 'debunking' strategies. The text highlights that climate change denial often employs conspiratorial rhetoric as a political strategy to delay action.

The report analyzes how fossil fuel subsidies create direct and pass-through trade effects, distorting markets for crude energy products, refined energy carriers, and energy-intensive industries. It provides empirical evidence on the massive scale of these markets—with fossil fuel product trade alone representing over 10% of worldwide trade value in 2018—and argues that current WTO rules are ineffective at constraining these measures. The document proposes five options for WTO engagement: improving transparency, building capacity, establishing a pledge-and-review process, clarifying existing rules, and negotiating new binding subsidy disciplines.

The document examines the global issue of CITES document abuse, where permits and certificates are falsified or obtained corruptly to legalize the trade of endangered species. It identifies key methods of abuse, such as counterfeiting and mis-declaration, and highlights the role of corrupt officials as gatekeepers. To mitigate these risks, the brief recommends a combination of prosecuting corrupt officials, implementing e-permitting systems (eCITES), enhancing technical capacity for inspectors, and improving the security of paper documents.

A coalition of European civil society organisations urges the EU to align its Industrial Strategy with the 1.5°C Paris Agreement target, advocating for climate neutrality by 2040 and a 65% emissions reduction by 2030. The recommendations emphasize a transition to a circular economy, the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies, and the prioritisation of renewable electrification over hydrogen and CCS. The authors call for a 'just transition' that protects vulnerable communities and workers through retraining and the exclusion of fossil fuel investments from the Just Transition Mechanism.

The European Union views the transition to renewable energy as a path toward energy security and industrial power, yet it faces significant strategic hurdles. Internally, the EU lacks a unified vision for its future integrated energy system, leading to risks of redundant spending and a 'multi-speed' transition where Western and Eastern member states have diverging interests. Externally, the shift creates new dependencies on critical materials and intensifies industrial rivalry with the US and China. The author suggests that the EU must move beyond a purely economic approach to a comprehensive industrial and political strategy, potentially supported by the Green Deal and the Just Transition Fund, to ensure long-term stability and competitiveness.

The document examines Ukraine's pursuit of EU and NATO integration, contrasting the assertive rhetoric of the Poroshenko administration (2014-2019) with the more pragmatic, technocratic approach of the Zelensky administration (2019-present). It details the 'three pillars' of Poroshenko's strategy—pro-integration rhetoric, technical harmonisation with EU/NATO standards, and expanding third-country partnerships—and notes that Zelensky has shifted priority toward sectoral integration in digital, energy, and customs markets. The text also discusses the challenges of the war in Donbas, the Normandy Four diplomatic framework, and the potential for the European Green Deal to serve as a framework for future Ukraine-EU cooperation.

The research paper examines Turkey's efforts to re-assert regional influence through military and economic engagement in North and East Africa. It highlights Turkey's support for the Government of National Accord (GNA) in Libya, its strategic energy interests in the Mediterranean, and its long-term development and diplomatic presence in the Horn of Africa, particularly Somalia. The text notes the complex interplay between Turkey, Russia, and the EU in managing the Libyan crisis, as well as Turkey's rivalry with a bloc including Saudi Arabia and Egypt.

The global green bond and green loan market reached a record USD 257.7 billion in 2019, a 51% increase over 2018. Growth was primarily driven by Europe, which accounted for 45% of global issuance. The USA, China, and France remained the top-ranked countries, together representing 44% of the market. Energy and Buildings were the dominant sectors for use of proceeds, each holding approximately 30% market share. Certified Climate Bonds grew by 86% to reach USD 45 billion, with cumulative certified issuance surpassing the USD 100 billion milestone. The market also saw increased diversification with debut issuances from emerging markets including Kenya, Barbados, and Saudi Arabia.

The report evaluates global security threats under two warming scenarios: a 'Near Term' scenario (1-2°C) and a 'Medium-Long Term' scenario (2-4+°C). It concludes that even low levels of warming present high to very high risks, while higher warming levels pose catastrophic and potentially irreversible threats to global stability. The analysis is structured around U.S. Geographic Combatant Command areas, detailing how climate-induced physical shocks and social tensions act as threat multipliers that can lead to state failure, resource conflict, and the breakdown of international alliances.

This report provides a detailed inventory of fossil fuel-related assets held by major private equity firms. It categorizes investments into upstream (exploration and production), midstream (pipelines and storage), downstream (refineries and retail), and power generation (coal and gas plants). The data covers diversified managers like Blackstone and KKR, infrastructure specialists like Macquarie and Brookfield, and energy-focused firms such as Riverstone and EnCap, detailing specific company acquisitions, their functions, and geographic locations.

The report identifies a trend of 'carbon leakage' where EU countries import electricity from non-EU 'offshore carbon havens'—specifically Turkey, Ukraine, Morocco, and the Western Balkans—that lack carbon pricing. Net imports into EU Emissions Trading System (ETS) countries rose from 3TWh in 2017 to 21TWh in 2019, with imported electricity emitting an estimated 26 million tonnes of CO2 in 2019. The document warns that up to 57GW of new coal power could be developed in connected or soon-to-be connected non-EU countries, potentially undermining EU emissions cuts. To address this, the authors propose a border carbon adjustment (BCA) for electricity imports to level the playing field for generators, protect low-carbon investments, and incentivise neighbouring states to adopt their own carbon pricing mechanisms.

The author argues that Russia has shifted from viewing the EU as a model for modernisation to seeing it as a strategic challenger to its neo-imperialist vision. To counter Western influence and the 'eastward march' of Europe, the Kremlin employs a strategy of 'managing instability' through disinformation, cyberattacks, and the support of far-right political parties in Europe. While Russia seeks bilateral rapprochement with key powers like Germany and France to bypass sanctions and isolate Eastern European 'Russosceptic' countries, the author contends that Moscow's strategic goals remain unfulfilled and that it will continue to exploit Western electoral cycles to foment populism.

The report finds that the EU ETS region is increasingly importing electricity from non-EU neighbors with high carbon intensities, effectively importing emissions and creating 'offshore carbon havens'. In 2019, the EU ETS region imported 26 million tonnes of CO2, with a net import of 20 million tonnes. The authors argue that the disparity in carbon pricing gives a competitive advantage to high-carbon generators in countries like Turkey, Ukraine, and the Western Balkans. To combat this, the report recommends a border carbon adjustment (BCA) on gross electricity imports to protect the integrity of EU climate policy and incentivize decarbonization in neighboring states. It also warns that planned increases in interconnection capacity (31% by 2030) and new coal power projects (up to 57GW) in connected non-EU countries will exacerbate the problem.

The document examines the evolution of investment facilitation discussions at the WTO, from the early 'Singapore issues' to the current structured discussions involving 98 members. It analyzes a July 2019 working document that proposes a framework focused on transparency, administrative simplification, and international cooperation, while explicitly excluding market access, investment protection, and investor-state dispute settlement. The report also discusses the potential legal forms of such an agreement—whether as a standalone accord or a plurilateral agreement—and the broader institutional challenges facing the WTO, such as the crisis in the Appellate Body and debates over special and differential treatment.

The document examines the AU's struggle to implement the 2014 Convention on Cyber Security and Personal Data Protection, noting that only seven of 55 member states had ratified it by October 2019. It compares the AU's approach to the EU's role as a 'norm entrepreneur' through regulations like the GDPR and the Cybersecurity Act. The author highlights Mauritius as a continental best practice for holistic national cyber strategy and recommends that the AU adopt 'Agile Governance Principles', engage more with civil society, and establish a continental body similar to the European Network and Information Security Agency (ENISA).

The document outlines how the Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (CESCR) integrates climate change into its monitoring of the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights (ICESCR). It details the Committee's use of General Comments, Joint Statements, and State reporting procedures to hold States accountable for climate-related impacts on rights such as health, food, and water. Key findings emphasize that States must implement emissions cuts reflecting the "highest possible ambition," regulate private actors to prevent climate harm, and ensure that high-income States provide climate finance to developing nations beyond existing official development assistance. The briefing also analyzes trends in the Committee's Concluding Observations from 2008 to 2019, noting a higher frequency of climate-related recommendations for developed countries and a strong focus on mitigation, adaptation, and international cooperation.

The executive summary highlights that current WTO disciplines fail to significantly limit the agricultural subsidies of major providers like the US and EU, nor do they adequately address the growing support from emerging economies like China and India. It suggests that reforming these rules is essential for achieving Sustainable Development Goal 2 (Zero Hunger) and ensuring global food system stability, especially amidst the COVID-19 pandemic. The authors propose simplifying rules by introducing a minimum level of trade-distorting support based on a percentage of production value, implementing stricter transparency requirements, and establishing new, gradually decreasing global limits on internal support to correct international inequalities.