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The report evaluates the potential for scaling the CO2 Performance Ladder (CO2PL) in Austria, Denmark, Germany, Ireland, Italy, Poland, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, and the United Kingdom. The CO2PL serves as both a carbon management system for organizations and a procurement tool that provides certified suppliers with an award advantage in tenders. The study finds a general demand for third-party verified, easy-to-use tools to reduce carbon emissions, though implementation faces challenges such as risk aversion among public procurers, legal concerns regarding the link between criteria and the subject matter of contracts, and capacity constraints in smaller procuring entities. The report recommends aligning the CO2PL with common measurement methods like Environmental Product Declarations (EPDs), engaging with European city networks, and providing specific support for small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) to ensure inclusive participation.

The briefing argues that the EU is on course to reach a 45% renewable energy share by 2030, rendering the current 40% Fit-for-55 target outdated. This trajectory is driven by solar capacity growth, heat pump adoption, and electric vehicle expansion, which are all outpacing original policy forecasts.

One year after the invasion of Ukraine, the EU has substituted nearly 75% of Russian gas imports and seen wind and solar generate a record 22% of its electricity in 2022. Globally, gas demand is forecast to peak by the end of the decade, with 88% of electricity demand growth to 2025 expected to be met by renewables. While renewable energy saved billions in fossil fuel costs, high gas and coal prices drove 90% of the global increase in electricity costs in 2022. Russia faces significant financial losses from sanctions, including a USD 25 billion public deficit in January 2023, while EU industrial production grew by over 2% on average despite a 15% drop in industrial gas demand.

The document examines how the cost-of-living crisis in Europe is driving vulnerable households toward risky, unregulated financial products like buy-now-pay-later schemes and crypto assets. It calls for EU policymakers to update the Consumer Credit Directive (CCD) and the Distance Marketing of Consumer Financial Services Directive (DMFSD) to include better creditworthiness assessments, advertising rules, and debt relief measures to prevent a debt spiral among low-income citizens.

The October 2023 Polish parliamentary elections represent a critical juncture for the country's democratic governance and its relationship with the European Union. The contest pits the ruling nationalist coalition, led by the Law and Justice (PiS) party, against a fragmented but numerically stronger 'democratic opposition' including the Civic Coalition, Poland 2050, the Left, and the Polish People's Party. While PiS and its partner United Poland oppose EU decarbonisation and the Green Deal, the opposition generally supports the green transition and Eurozone accession. A victory for the opposition would necessitate extensive reforms to restore the rule of law and depoliticise state institutions, while a PiS victory would likely continue the undermining of European constitutional values.

The report examines the fragmented state of Green Public Procurement (GPP) within the EU and proposes recommendations to leverage public purchasing power for decarbonization. Focusing on the construction and road transport sectors—which each account for approximately 12% of government procurement GHG emissions globally—the study analyzes case studies from eight EU Member States to identify best practices for meeting the EU's goal of a 55% reduction in GHG emissions by 2030.

The report argues that Poland's draft PEP2040 energy strategy is significantly under-ambitious, risking the country's position as the last major EU economy reliant on fossil fuels by 2030. While the government proposes a 50% share of renewables in power by 2040 (roughly 50-60 GW), the report suggests Poland could realistically reach 100 GW of renewable capacity by 2040. To achieve this, the document emphasizes the need to remove permitting barriers, such as the 10H spatial planning rule, and modernize grid infrastructure to prevent connection bottlenecks. Furthermore, it argues that prioritizing renewables would make the debate between coal and gas obsolete, as Poland could halve its planned gas-fired generation to 29 TWh by 2030 while maintaining system balance.

The document examines the gap between EU Green Public Procurement (GPP) targets and actual implementation in eight Member States. It identifies systemic barriers—including fragmented governance, lack of standardized data, and limited procurement officer capacity—while highlighting successful local and national initiatives in Sweden, France, Germany, and others. The brief argues that the EU must harmonize reporting, institute mandatory requirements for high-emitting sectors, and provide better technical support to leverage public spending for climate goals.

The report finds that Green Public Procurement (GPP) in the EU is characterized by a fragmented approach with few binding requirements and significant gaps between national climate targets and actual procurement practices. While some regions like Catalonia and cities like Berlin show high ambition, most Member States rely on voluntary guidelines. The construction and road transport sectors are highlighted as high-impact areas where GPP could drive decarbonization, yet implementation is hindered by a lack of standardized data, insufficient capacity and time for procurement officers, and a lack of mandatory EU-level criteria. The report recommends harmonizing GPP definitions, introducing mandatory carbon criteria, and expanding the scope of EU Directives to include embedded emissions.

In 2022, the EU electricity mix was led by nuclear (22%), gas (20%), coal (16%), and wind (15%), with solar accounting for 7.3%. While solar and wind continued their long-term growth trends, nuclear and hydro experienced significant declines due to plant closures and drought. Coal saw a temporary increase to offset these losses, while gas remained the only fossil fuel to show growth over the last two decades.

In 2022, wind and solar generated a record 22% of EU electricity, overtaking fossil gas (20%). Despite this, EU power sector emissions rose by 3.9% due to a 185 TWh generation gap caused by a severe drought affecting hydro power and unexpected French nuclear outages. This gap was partially filled by a 7% increase in coal generation. However, electricity demand fell by 7.9% in Q4 2022, and coal generation declined in the final four months of the year. Ember projects a 20% plummet in EU fossil generation in 2023 as hydro and nuclear capacity recover and renewable deployment accelerates.

In 2022, EU electricity demand fell by 2.7% to 2809 TWh, driven by mild weather and demand reduction measures. Despite this, power sector CO2 emissions rose by 3.9% due to shortfalls in nuclear and hydro generation, which necessitated increased fossil fuel use. Wind and solar generation continued to grow, reaching a 22% market share, while nuclear generation fell to its lowest share in 40 years at 22%.

In 2022, the EU experienced a temporary 7% rise in coal generation driven by shortfalls in nuclear and hydro power, rather than a structural 'return to coal'. This was offset by a record surge in solar capacity and a significant 7.9% drop in electricity demand in Q4 2022. Solar power generated 7.3% of EU electricity, avoiding approximately 249 billion in gas import costs. Looking ahead to 2023, the report forecasts a potential 20% plummet in fossil fuel generation as French nuclear capacity returns and renewable capacity continues to grow.

The analysis argues that the UK's economic insecurity is rooted in neoliberalism, which prioritizes individual resilience over collective security. This is evidenced by underinvestment in public infrastructure, the sale of 2.5 million social houses between 1979 and 2022, and a lack of energy storage (four days compared to France's fourteen). In contrast, Finland's approach to housing, energy, and social policy—including a 'housing first' strategy and a basic income pilot—is presented as a model for restoring public confidence and wellbeing. The authors suggest that a cost-neutral universal basic income of approximately £60 per week for single adults could more than halve child and pensioner poverty in the UK.

The Visegrad Group (V4) is experiencing significant fragmentation due to diverging responses to the Russian invasion of Ukraine and differing relationships with the European Union. While Poland, Czechia, and Slovakia generally support Ukraine and NATO expansion, Hungary has obstructed sanctions against Russia and the accession of Sweden and Finland to NATO. The once-strong alliance between Poland's PiS and Hungary's Fidesz was severely shaken by Orbán's ties to Putin, though a tactical reconciliation has emerged based on mutual dependence regarding EU rule-of-law procedures and shared populist narratives. Ultimately, the author argues that Orbán's veto power in the EU has reached its limits, leading him to seek alliances with American Republicans, European far-right fundamentalists, and China to maintain domestic legitimacy and enrich his clientelist network.

Turkey has rapidly become a global exporter of military drones, specifically the Bayraktar TB2 and Akıncı models, using this technology to enhance its soft power and establish new geopolitical alliances. This shift is part of a broader quest for 'strategic autonomy'—the ability to make defense decisions independently—driven by past arms sanctions from the US and technical failures with Israeli technology. While the drone sector has provided a significant economic boost, with defense and aerospace exports exceeding $4 billion in 2022, the brief highlights critical concerns regarding the lack of parliamentary oversight, centralized decision-making in the President's office, and alleged human rights violations by end-users in conflict zones like Ethiopia and Libya.

The report finds that while 92% of surveyed business leaders view reducing carbon emissions as an urgent priority, many struggle with the 'how' of decarbonization due to budget and technological constraints. Businesses increasingly view the voluntary carbon market (VCM) as a critical tool for immediate action, though concerns over greenwashing and market transparency persist. While science-based targets are widely supported, there is a significant demand for clearer, more realistic guidance to help organizations meet their 2030 and 2050 goals.

The report outlines a two-tiered approach to an EU methane import standard: an initial prescriptive standard focusing on practices and technologies, followed by a more ambitious emission intensity standard. It argues that there are no insuperable legal obstacles to such a standard under WTO or UNFCCC rules, provided the EU applies equivalent burdens to domestic production. Key recommendations include using an equivalence principle for exporting countries and companies, implementing financial penalties for non-compliance, and establishing an EU methane fund to support mitigation in developing countries. The document also highlights the need for robust monitoring, reporting, and verification (MRV) and warns of 'methane leakage' where high-emitting gas is redirected to less regulated markets.

The CESCR frequently addressed climate change in its 2022 State reviews, focusing on mitigation policies, adaptation plans, and the phase-out of fossil fuels. The Committee emphasized the need for States to meet Paris Agreement commitments and highlighted extraterritorial obligations to ensure that domestic policies and international agreements do not adversely affect human rights in other countries. Additionally, the 2022 General Comment No. 26 on land rights stressed that climate mitigation measures, such as large-scale renewable energy projects, must include robust safeguards to protect human rights and the environment.

The report finds that low-cost, repeated behaviors like reducing food waste are significantly more common than high-cost, one-time installations like heat pumps or solar panels. While many who adopted these behaviors faced minimal difficulty, non-adopters cited lack of awareness and lack of interest for low-cost actions, and high cost and home ownership issues for high-cost technologies.