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The report argues that the draft European Union (Withdrawal) Bill jeopardises the UK's environment and legal system by transferring excessive power to Government Ministers and failing to guarantee the retention of all EU environmental laws and governance functions. It identifies three primary risks: a democratic deficit caused by broad ministerial powers and inadequate scrutiny; a reduction in environmental protection due to the loss of overarching principles and incomplete transposition of Directives; and a governance gap resulting from the absence of independent replacements for EU institutions. The authors recommend that retained EU law only be modified by Acts of Parliament, that environmental principles be explicitly retained, and that new, independent governance mechanisms be established through primary legislation.

The author contends that Islamic State employs a strategy of provocation designed to trigger military escalation and social insecurity in Europe, which in turn fuels Islamophobia and recruitment. The document argues that orthodox security responses, which sacrifice personal freedoms for national security, actually support Islamic State's objectives by validating its narrative of Western aggression. It suggests that Islamic State is less coherent and powerful than portrayed, noting that its leadership includes pragmatic ex-Ba'ath Party officers and that many European attacks are 'outsourced' to individuals with limited organizational ties. The author advocates for a shift in policy where security is viewed as interdependent with civil liberties, arguing that bolstering the rights of minority communities and rejecting the 'clash of civilisations' narrative is the most effective way to delegitimize the group.

The report argues that the traditional 'Countering Violent Extremism' (CVE) framework is flawed and 'toxic' because it relies on discredited theories of a linear path to radicalization. Instead, it advocates for a 'resilience' model led by civil society organizations (CSOs) and social services, with law enforcement acting only as a supporting partner focused on criminal behavior. Key findings emphasize that there is no causal link between religious ideology and violence, and that effective interventions require 'alternative narratives' that acknowledge the 'kernel of truth' in grievances. The document also highlights a significant 'trust gap' between governments and CSOs, suggesting that transparency and the protection of civil liberties are essential for effective collaboration.

The author contends that Brexit reflects a global anger toward political elites and the failures of globalisation, rather than a failure of the EU itself. The text highlights specific risks for Ireland, including the potential return of a land border and economic destruction if the UK leaves the single market. It further argues that the EU must reform its governance—specifically the European Council—to increase transparency and accountability to prevent further rises of right-wing populism in states like France. The author suggests that a lack of investment in infrastructure and a 'Green New Deal' contributed to the precariousness that fueled the Leave campaign.

The study finds that ethnic civil wars have indeed declined since the mid-1990s, supporting Ted Robert Gurr's projections. The authors demonstrate that this pacifying trend is associated with increased government accommodation, specifically through the granting of group rights, power-sharing, and democratization, which reduce the probability of conflict onset. Additionally, regional autonomy and peacekeeping operations are found to significantly increase the likelihood of conflict termination. Out-of-sample predictions show that a theory-driven model based on accommodative politics far outperforms a simple time-trend model in predicting the actual decline of ethnic conflict from 2000 to 2013.

The authors call for a comprehensive overhaul of the UK's constitutional and democratic framework to address a 'crisis of democracy' characterized by voter disillusionment and inadequate representation. Proposed reforms include the adoption of proportional representation for both houses of parliament and local elections, the creation of a written constitution with a citizens bill of rights, and the establishment of directly-elected regional assemblies. The text emphasizes the need to protect local governments from corporate influence and opposes the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) on the grounds that it would undermine local democratic decision-making and public services.

The author contends that the exclusion of the Green Party from the 2015 UK televised election debates is an "attack on democracy," arguing that the party's electoral performance, membership growth, and policy positions justify its inclusion alongside other parties like UKIP and the Liberal Democrats.

The document argues that the long-term nature of PPPs often makes it difficult for governments to adapt contracts to evolving sustainability priorities. It proposes a 'health check' framework based on a triple bottom line—economic, environmental, and social sustainability—to guide the review and renegotiation of existing agreements. Using the UK's transition from PFI to PF2 as a context, it suggests mechanisms like 'invest to save' and gain-share provisions to enhance value-for-money and environmental performance. It also highlights the importance of life-cycle assessments (LCA) and ethical labor standards in ensuring the long-term viability and social acceptance of infrastructure projects.

The document analyzes the Colombian peace process as a case study for the 'peace versus inclusion' dilemma. While the agreement is noted for its historic inclusivity regarding women and LGBTQ rights, these progressive elements contributed to its initial rejection in a 2016 referendum. The author explores how the pursuit of 'positive peace' (structural change) can clash with the need for public legitimacy and how referenda can paradoxically polarize populations and undermine long-term implementation.

The authors introduce the 'equivalency principle' to resolve uncertainties in setting social discount rates for natural assets. This rule posits that the present value of a naturally preserved land track should be at least equal to the market price of an identical track with permission for residential development. By applying this principle to various case studies and a specific proposed seaport in Pasaia, Gipuzkoa, the paper demonstrates that traditional cost-benefit analyses using high market discount rates often bias results in favor of development, whereas the equivalency principle typically yields much lower discount rates that favor environmental conservation.

The report estimates that the total investment for new housing, renovation, and infrastructure required for a reunited Cyprus would range from €6.3 billion to €8.6 billion, with an average of €7.2 billion over five years. Public sector spending is estimated at €4.3 billion, while private sector spending would be €2.9 billion. The authors identify various financing options, including EU grants, multilateral loans from the EIB and CEB, and borrowing from Greek, Turkish, and local Cypriot banks. Despite these sources, the report forecasts a funding shortfall of approximately €1 billion over the first five years, necessitating bilateral international assistance of €205 million per year. Economically, the reconstruction boom is projected to increase the real GDP growth rate by 3 percentage points, averaging 7.1% in the first five years, and create over 33,000 new jobs.

The report analyzes power-sharing as a tool to mitigate civil conflict by guaranteeing political roles to potential 'spoilers'. It argues that while power-sharing can promote peace when parties are evenly matched and conflict costs are high, it may increase conflict risks when groups are unevenly matched. The authors highlight significant trade-offs, noting that power-sharing prioritizes 'ex post fairness' over democratic 'ex ante uncertainty' and can lead to high transaction costs and agency losses, such as the selection of intransigent, group-based politicians.

The document examines religion as a multifaceted phenomenon—comprising normative systems, identities, and organisational structures—and evaluates its dual potential to both fuel and resolve armed conflict. It argues that while religion is rarely the sole cause of war, it often perpetuates conflict by hardening identity boundaries. The authors propose a typology of peace brokerage (Liaison, Representative, and Coordinator) and emphasize that successful peacemaking requires 'religious awareness,' including the use of a 'Language of the Second Order' to transcend confessional boundaries. The paper concludes that religious actors are particularly suited for Track-Two diplomacy due to their grassroots and international networks, but warns that excluding religiously identified parties from formal processes can create 'spoiler groups.'

The paper critiques existing Environmental Impact Assessments (EIA), Social Impact Assessments (SIA), and political risk analyses for their failure to systematically address violent conflict. It proposes a Conflict-Sensitive Business Practice (CSBP) toolbox that integrates conflict analysis tools—such as conflict mapping and stakeholder analysis—across the entire project lifecycle. The authors emphasize that extractive projects are increasingly located in 'frontier areas' where mismanagement of community relations or environmental resources can trigger violence. The proposed CSBP approach advocates for participatory consultation, the establishment of 'no go' thresholds for conflict, and the identification of peacebuilding opportunities through shared environmental concerns.

The author argues that while the end of the Cold War initially saw a rise in local conflicts, the overall trend is moving toward a more peaceful world. This optimism is grounded in the observed decline in the number of armed conflicts since the late 1990s and the positive influence of global trends such as poverty reduction, democratization, and the rise of international military interventions for conflict settlement. The analysis highlights that internal conflicts (civil wars) are the dominant form of violence and are most strongly linked to poverty, though the author distinguishes between 'greed' and 'grievance' motivations. The document also notes that while ethnic polarization and resource scarcity are often cited as causes of war, systematic evidence is often ambiguous or secondary to broader economic and political factors.

The analysis finds that the NAPCP provides a more robust legal framework for meeting emission reduction commitments than the EIP, offering higher transparency, stricter review mechanisms, and mandatory public consultation.

A survey of 10,660 UK residents reveals high levels of climate change awareness, with 86% believing it is happening and 75% attributing it to human activity. While 80% of respondents express worry about climate change and 82% support renewable energy, personal risk perception is lower than concern for future generations. The report also details local environmental experiences, noting that 68% of respondents experienced at least one environmental problem in the past year, most notably severe storms and flooding.

The text examines the role of peace education in transforming societies from a reliance on military solutions to a culture of peace. It discusses various typologies of peace education, its implementation in formal and informal settings, and specifically evaluates its application and potential in South Africa and the wider sub-Saharan African region. The author contends that investing in peace educators is significantly more cost-effective than maintaining military budgets and is a necessary component of sustainable regional security.

The research argues that the 'unitary actor assumption' in civil war studies overlooks the critical role of internal fragmentation. By analyzing self-determination movements from 1960 to 2005, the author finds that movements with more internal factions are significantly more likely to experience the onset of civil war and to remain in active conflict. This is attributed to the fact that multiple factions create uncertainty for states regarding the movement's preferences and capabilities, and make it difficult for any single faction to provide a credible commitment to a settlement.

The authors analyze the annual commemoration of the battle of Erenköy (Kokkina) in Cyprus, arguing that it has evolved from a state-led 'national myth' of salvation by the Turkish military into a 'vernacular history' or 'epic' of local struggle. Through ethnographic observation and interviews, the paper demonstrates how participants—including former fighters, villagers, and their descendants—repurpose official narratives to create an 'affect of agency' that is future-oriented rather than purely focused on past victimization or triumph. This shift is evidenced by the rising attendance at the Erenköy pilgrimage and a declining interest in purely militaristic state celebrations, reflecting a broader change in Turkish Cypriot identity and political aspirations.