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The report examines the critical intersection of transport and environment in Sub-Saharan Africa (SSA), highlighting severe road safety risks, rising urban air and noise pollution, and increasing traffic congestion. It argues that current transport systems are often inequitable, neglecting vulnerable groups like pedestrians and the rural poor. The document advocates for a paradigm shift toward sustainable mobility using the 'Avoid-Shift-Improve' strategy, emphasizing the need for integrated land-use planning, Bus Rapid Transit (BRT) systems, and the protection of non-motorized transport to reduce greenhouse gas emissions and improve public health.

The document highlights Ethiopia's significant investment in infrastructure, spending $1.3 billion annually (10% of GDP), with a focus on energy and transport. It notes that Ethiopia requires 8700 megawatts of generating plant over the next decade to double its capacity. While Kenya is often seen as the regional anchor, the author argues that Ethiopia's growth rates since 2005/06 and its strategic importance make it a potential regional powerhouse. However, Ethiopia faces fundamental business challenges including foreign currency regulations, inflation, and a lack of competitiveness in its manufacturing sector, which contributes less than 10 percent of total merchandise exports.

The briefing examines food insecurity in Africa, highlighting that sub-Saharan countries are the most food insecure globally. It discusses the role of the Comprehensive African Agricultural Development Programme (CAADP), the G-8's New Alliance for Food Security and Nutrition, and the challenges posed by trade barriers and the Doha Round impasse. The authors argue that while trade is essential, it must be part of a comprehensive policy package including agricultural investment and financial innovation to ensure long-term food security.

The document argues that Internet policy must move beyond technical management to include broad societal impacts on rights, security, and sustainable development. It advocates for a multistakeholder model involving government, the private sector, civil society, and academia to ensure legitimacy and effectiveness. The toolkit details eight specific tools—ranging from expert roundtables and policy mapping to online surveys and public forums—designed to generate evidence and foster public consent. It emphasizes 'adaptive policy making' and the principle of subsidiarity, suggesting that policy action should occur at the lowest jurisdictional level consistent with effectiveness.

The document examines Nigeria's energy subsidy regime, focusing on Premium Motor Spirit (PMS), household kerosene (hhK), and electricity. It highlights the immense fiscal burden on the government, with fuel subsidies alone estimated at over ₦2 trillion in 2011. The guide argues that these universal subsidies disproportionately benefit higher-income earners and are plagued by systemic corruption, such as inflated import claims and the diversion of kerosene to black markets. It also notes that under-pricing of energy has stifled investment in refining and power infrastructure, leading to high reliance on private generators and significant gas flaring. The document outlines the government's transition toward cost-reflective electricity tariffs via the Multi-Year Tariff Order (MYTO) and the attempted removal of gasoline subsidies through the SURE-P program, while providing international lessons on gradual price liberalization and targeted social compensation.

The document argues that South Africa's status as an economic gateway is primarily driven by its geography and infrastructure, though this role is challenged by emerging regional and global competitors. It assesses South Africa's capacity as a hub for regional headquarters, logistics, sourcing, and finance, while examining the impact of transport corridors and trade policies on its regional dominance.

The document examines Africa's role in the 'global nuclear renaissance,' noting that the continent holds 18% of world uranium resources. It details the production activities of Namibia, Niger, Malawi, and South Africa, while identifying emerging exploration in countries like the Central African Republic and Tanzania. The author argues that while uranium mining provides significant GDP contributions and employment, it is plagued by governance challenges, including a lack of institutional capacity to monitor environmental and health impacts. The paper compares African practices with those in Canada and Australia and suggests that strengthening government capacity and adopting international best practices, such as those from the IAEA and EITI, are essential for sustainable development.

The document argues that while a 'Green Revolution' focused solely on increasing crop yields and land cultivation could make Africa a net food exporter and boost GDP, it would not significantly reduce undernutrition because most production would be exported. To improve human development, the authors propose a 'Green Revolution for Development' that couples production increases with policies to stimulate domestic food demand and access, alongside improvements in water and sanitation.

The document examines the economic and social impacts of fuel and electricity subsidies in Nigeria, noting that fuel subsidies in 2011 exceeded NGN 2.19 trillion but primarily benefited the wealthy and fostered corruption. It highlights that under-pricing electricity between 2005-2009 cost between NGN 232.5-356.5 billion, leading to poor infrastructure maintenance and reliability issues. The guide aims to inform citizens about these costs and the necessity of reforms, such as gradual tariff increases for electricity and the removal of gasoline subsidies.

The document is an appendix to a research paper that lists specific conflict episodes where natural resources played a role. It categorizes these links into mechanisms such as financing, distribution, and aggravation, providing brief descriptions of how resources like oil, diamonds, timber, and land influenced the conflicts across various global regions.

The document discusses the election of South Africa's Dr Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma as head of the African Union (AU) Commission on 15 July 2012. It analyzes the aggressive campaign by South Africa and SADC, the reasons for her success—including election fatigue and the absence of key opponents—and the potential for resistance from AU members who perceive South Africa as having 'bullied' its way into the position. Despite these tensions, the briefing suggests her administrative skills and pan-African knowledge could improve AU functionality and consolidate peace, security, and governance initiatives.

The document analyzes the complex relationship between South Africa and Nigeria, noting that while trade grew significantly between 1999 and 2008, diplomatic tensions persist over regional issues and AU leadership. It argues that the two nations share similar domestic challenges and regional influence, suggesting that institutionalizing their cooperation through the Bilateral National Commission (BNC) is essential for strengthening Africa's global voice.

The African Union (AU) has shifted the continental focus from decolonisation to development and economic integration. While it has established institutional infrastructure, implemented peacekeeping missions, and promoted democratic norms—such as refusing to recognise coup-led governments—it faces a structural impasse in achieving developmental goals. The author argues that the AU must move beyond ambitious declarations toward pragmatic outcomes, specifically by translating governance into developmental deliverables, strengthening regional economic communities like ECOWAS, and clarifying leadership principles for the AU Commission.

The document examines the struggle of Chinese Economic and Trade Co-operation Zones (ETCZs) in Africa to become operational, identifying failures in implementation, infrastructure, and regulatory frameworks. While eight zones were approved across several African nations, only the zone in Egypt is fully operational. The author argues that these zones are hindered by a top-down Chinese approach, cultural barriers, and a lack of integrated industrial policies in host countries, contrasting their struggle with the relative success of private Chinese industrial zones.

The document examines the potential for Mozambique's hydrocarbon wealth to supplant its chronic reliance on foreign aid, particularly from the G19 group of Western donors. While resource revenues could increase government autonomy and shift commercial partnerships toward Asia and South America, the author warns that this may replace aid dependence with a new dependence on foreign capital and technology. The brief highlights risks such as the 'resource curse', rent-seeking, and the limited local economic impact of capital-intensive 'mega-projects', recommending that the government integrate resource strategies with broader development goals and that donors shift from budget support to targeted sectoral funding.

The report details a conference on Sino-African Union cooperation in peace and security, exploring the intersection of China's economic engagement and Africa's security architecture. Key discussions focus on the 'African solutions to African problems' principle, the role of Regional Economic Communities (RECs) like ECOWAS and IGAD, and specific conflict zones such as the two Sudans and Somalia. While acknowledging China's role in infrastructure and condition-free aid, the report highlights concerns regarding environmental degradation, the influx of cheap goods, and the impact of arms supplies. It recommends a shift from ad-hoc crisis reaction to a proactive role for China, emphasizing capacity building for the AU's African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) and the Continental Early Warning System (CEWS).

The document argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) has failed its dual goals of reducing emissions and promoting sustainable development. It highlights that 40-70% of projects are non-additional, meaning they would have occurred without CDM registration, and that many projects cause social and environmental harm. The signatories call for the exclusion of fossil fuel and large hydro projects, the implementation of 'do no harm' assessments, and the creation of meaningful public participation and grievance mechanisms.

The analysis finds that South Africa became more confident during its second UN Security Council (UNSC) term, increasing its co-sponsorship of resolutions and strengthening cooperation with other African members, as well as North-South and South-South partners. A central achievement was the adoption of resolution 2033 in January 2012, which focused on strengthening the relationship between the UN and regional organizations like the African Union (AU). The document notes a significant increase in the proportion of UNSC resolutions concerning Africa, rising from 56% during South Africa's first term to 65% in 2011. While South Africa generally aligned its votes with the AU and its African agenda, it faced criticism for its support of Resolution 1973 on Libya and its opposition to sanctions on Zimbabwe. The author concludes that while South Africa has successfully promoted the African agenda, its long-term goal of securing a permanent seat on a reformed UNSC remains uncertain due to regional competition and skepticism regarding Council reform.

The analysis finds that South Africa has become more confident in the UNSC, increasing its co-sponsorship of resolutions and successfully promoting its 'African Agenda'. While it has improved cooperation with other African members and fostered South-South and North-South partnerships, it faces ongoing challenges in securing permanent representation for Africa on the Council and maintaining its status as the continent's leading driver on international issues.

The document analyzes the International Bar Association's Model Mining Development Agreement (MMDA 1.0), providing a template and narrative to ensure mining contracts promote sustainable development, transparency, and equitable resource distribution. It details key contractual areas including land tenure, royalties, taxation, and community obligations, while emphasizing the use of international standards like the IFC Performance Standards and EITI. Additionally, the report investigates the existence of similar model agreements for the oil and gas sector, concluding that no internationally accepted model currently exists despite the availability of various national form contracts.