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The report advocates for "subsidy swaps," where governments redirect financial support from fossil fuels to clean energy (renewables and energy efficiency). It argues that while removing fossil fuel subsidies alone can reduce emissions, swapping those funds into clean energy magnifies long-term climate benefits and supports a "just transition" for workers and communities. The document provides evidence from India, Indonesia, Zambia, and Morocco to demonstrate the feasibility of this approach and suggests that governments should focus on large-scale on-grid renewables and leveraging private finance to maximize impact.

This research paper assesses the impact of removing consumer fossil fuel subsidies by 2025 across 26 countries, finding a simple average GHG emission reduction of 6% by 2030 compared to business as usual. The study argues that while FFSR alone is insufficient to meet Paris Agreement goals, combining it with a 10% energy tax and reallocating 30% of savings into renewable energy and energy efficiency could increase average reductions to 13.2% by 2030. It highlights that FFSR is a cost-effective tool, saving governments an average of USD 93 per tonne of CO2e removed. The paper also reviews the regressive nature of fuel subsidies and advocates for 'subsidy swaps' toward sustainable energy and social safety nets, noting that only 8% of current NDCs explicitly include FFSR.

The report examines the potential of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) to drive long-term GDP growth and poverty reduction by 2050, while noting that immediate gains will come from manufacturing and technology leapfrogging. It details the AU's suspension of Sudan following the military junta's crackdown on protestors and warns of risks including civil war and external influence from Gulf powers. The document highlights a democratic setback in Africa, where incumbents use constitutional amendments and electoral law changes to maintain power, citing Benin as a key example. It reviews AU peace support operations (PSOs) in Somalia and Darfur, arguing that military action must be paired with political solutions and questioning the neutrality of deploying neighbouring states. Finally, it discusses the AU-UN partnership, emphasizing the need for UN Security Council reform and sustainable financing for AU-led operations.

The policy brief examines the 'resource curse' in Africa, where mineral abundance often correlates with under-development due to weak institutional quality. It argues that the EU's Raw Materials Initiative (RMI) must better align with the African Mining Vision (AMV) to ensure mining catalyzes long-term development rather than remaining purely extractive. The author highlights the risks of 'Dutch Disease' and the prevalence of illicit financial flows (IFFs), noting that transparency alone is insufficient for accountability. The brief concludes that EU private sector actors and policymakers must move beyond corporate social responsibility to become 'systems shapers' who address political economy realities and reduce power asymmetries to achieve extractive justice.

The report examines the complex relationship between the African Union (AU) and Regional Economic Communities (RECs), specifically the application of 'subsidiarity'—the principle that regional structures should lead in their own jurisdictions. It highlights systemic failures in North Africa due to the inactivity of the Arab Maghreb Union (AMU), tensions between the AU and SADC over elections in the Democratic Republic of Congo, and the AU's successful re-assumption of leadership in the Central African Republic. The document also notes the East African Community's (EAC) internal trade disputes, ECOWAS's struggle to adapt to violent extremism in the Sahel, and the general lack of civil society engagement within the AU and the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD).

The paper examines the evolution of the Buenos Aires Plan of Action (BAPA) and the 2019 BAPA+40 conference, arguing that while South-South Cooperation (SSC) has traditionally focused on economic and social activities, it must now incorporate peace and security to address the realities of intra-state conflict in Africa. It highlights the alignment between peace and development as seen in the African Union's Agenda 2063, the UN's 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (specifically SDG 16), and UN resolutions on sustaining peace.

The report examines how West African nations, particularly Burkina Faso, Côte d’Ivoire, Mali, Niger, and Nigeria, have prioritised military and securitised responses to terrorism over rule-of-law frameworks. This shift has led to widespread human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, torture, and arbitrary detention, often facilitated by emergency legislation and a lack of judicial oversight. The author argues that such approaches may fuel further radicalisation and recommends long-term criminal justice reform, the strengthening of civilian oversight, and the alignment of counter-terrorism efforts with international human rights standards to achieve sustainable peace and development.

The briefing examines the role of the Islamic State (IS) as a driver of global conflict, noting that IS-related conflicts constituted approximately one third of all civil conflicts over the past five years. It argues that IS increases conflict complexity and polarization, making peace agreements less likely. Analysis of IS in Syria and Iraq reveals a strategy that prioritizes fighting over economic development and targets Sunni-dominated areas and petroleum-rich border regions. The authors conclude that these patterns make IS a persistent threat in other resource-rich countries with uncontrolled hinterlands, such as Libya, Chad, Niger, and Nigeria.

The document examines the 'viability gap' in mini-grid business models, where high capital costs and low-revenue customer bases make private investment challenging. It outlines various retail tariff approaches—ranging from uniform national tariffs to value-based pricing—and details subsidy structures, emphasizing output-based capital subsidies for distribution. The guide provides specific country examples from Africa and Asia and offers management considerations to reduce policy uncertainty and administrative overhead for developers.

The report finds that most indicators of coal power expansion declined for three consecutive years as of 2018, driven by financial restrictions and phase-out policies. While China and India saw record lows in new permit applications, China remains a significant exception due to the secret resumption of previously shelved projects and a proposal by the China Electricity Council to raise the 2030 capacity cap to 1,300 GW. Globally, coal plant closures reached near-record levels, led by the United States. The report emphasizes that current operational coal plants already exceed the emissions limits required to meet IPCC targets of limiting warming to 1.5°C or 2°C.

The report finds that most indicators of global coal power growth declined in 2018, with significant drops in new construction starts and permits in China and India. While global retirements reached near-record levels, led by the US, China remains a major exception by resuming construction on previously shelved plants and proposing a high coal power cap for 2030. The document argues that current operating coal plants already exceed the limits necessary to meet IPCC global warming targets of 1.5°C or 2°C.

The 2019 report by Global Energy Monitor, Sierra Club, and Greenpeace indicates a three-year decline in major growth indicators for coal-fired power generation. While global project pipelines and new licenses in China and India have dropped significantly, China remains a critical factor due to its financing of international projects and potential policy shifts regarding its domestic capacity ceiling. The United States led the world in coal plant retirements in 2018, despite political efforts to maintain aging plants. The report emphasizes that current operational coal capacity exceeds the limits required to meet IPCC climate goals of 1.5°C or 2°C warming.

The report examines the recurring political crises in Guinea-Bissau, specifically the 2015 crisis triggered by the dissolution of Prime Minister Domingos Simões Pereira's government by President José Mário Vaz. It argues that instability stems from institutional weaknesses, including a lack of constitutional clarity regarding the roles of the president and prime minister in a semi-presidential system. While the March 10, 2019, legislative elections are seen as a step toward legitimacy, the authors contend they are insufficient without the implementation of the Stability Pact and reforms to the constitution, electoral laws, political party regulation, the judiciary, and the security sector. The document also details the role of ECOWAS in mediating the crisis through the Conakry Agreement and the use of targeted sanctions to pressure political actors toward a resolution.

The document argues that traditional resilience concepts often ignore power dynamics and social inequalities. Based on a review of 171 articles, the authors define equitable resilience as a form of human-environmental resilience that accounts for social vulnerability and differentiated access to power, knowledge, and resources. They propose four essential elements for practice: recognizing subjectivities, ensuring inclusion and representation, working across geographical and temporal scales, and promoting systemic transformation. The brief emphasizes that resilience indicators alone are insufficient and that practitioners must engage with the politics of social change to avoid entrenching existing vulnerabilities.

The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) faces a gap between political enthusiasm and technical implementation. While the African Union aims for a formal launch in July 2019, critical components such as tariff schedules, rules of origin, and protocols for trade in goods and services remain unfinished. UNCTAD suggests full liberalisation could increase intra-African exports by 33%, but failure to deliver concrete benefits for investors and traders could undermine the project's legitimacy.

Egypt's 2019 AU chairmanship focuses on economic goals, intra-African trade, and institutional reform, though the author notes a significant gap regarding governance and the need for Egypt to ratify the CFTA.

The report argues that wealth and wellbeing depend on natural capital—the stock of renewable and non-renewable resources that provide essential ecosystem services. It highlights that natural capital can account for 30% to 50% of national wealth in various countries, yet traditional GDP measures fail to capture this value. The document outlines how governments can generate societal returns (e.g., poverty reduction and public health), economic returns (e.g., business resilience and green infrastructure), and environmental returns (e.g., ecological resilience). To scale these benefits, the report proposes twelve specific levers for government action, ranging from implementing UN-SEEA accounting frameworks and creating public-private partnerships to mainstreaming natural capital into macro indicators and implementing mandatory non-financial disclosures.

The report details how developing countries approach investment treaty negotiations, highlighting a trend toward renegotiating outdated agreements and the use of model treaties. It identifies the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and investment authorities as the primary leads in negotiations and provides a detailed mapping of ratification processes across various nations.

The document introduces ACLED data on political violence targeting women (PVTW), defining it as the use of physical force by groups with political motivations in the public sphere. The analysis reveals that while sexual violence is a significant threat, non-sexual attacks are the most commonly reported type of PVTW globally. The brief highlights regional variations in both the types of violence and the perpetrators, noting that anonymous armed groups are the most frequent offenders overall, while state forces, political militias, and mobs dominate in specific regions. The authors argue that understanding these patterns is essential for evidence-based Women, Peace and Security (WPS) policies and for achieving 'security equality' by recognizing women as active political agents rather than mere victims.

The report examines how kerosene and LPG subsidy policies and their reforms affect women and girls in low-income households across Bangladesh, India, and Nigeria, focusing on income, energy use, and energy supply effects.