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The report documents a general decline in open domestic ivory markets across Central Africa from 2007 to 2015, with trade shifting toward underground transactions and raw ivory exports to Asia, particularly China. While most cities saw a near total disappearance of displayed ivory, Kinshasa remained a significant hub. The decline is attributed to increased law enforcement, rising raw ivory prices driven by Asian demand, and crashing elephant populations. The report also highlights severe deficiencies in government stockpile management, with an estimated 56,497 kg of ivory leaking from state custody between 1990 and 2015.

The document forecasts that Africa's population will grow to over 1.8 billion by 2035, potentially compounding poverty if economic growth and job creation do not keep pace. While economic growth is expected, it will be heterogeneous, with oil-dependent nations remaining vulnerable to price shocks. The region faces significant infrastructure gaps, particularly in electricity and water, and rapid urbanisation that may increase social instability. Despite a rise in riots and protests, high-fatality violence is lower than in the 1990s. Popular support for democracy remains strong, although actual democratic governance remains fragile and limited in scope.

Africa is experiencing unprecedented urban growth, with its urban population expected to reach 1.4 billion by 2050. While this transition offers economic potential, it is occurring alongside slow structural transformation and pervasive poverty. The paper highlights the rise of megacities—such as Lagos, Cairo, and Kinshasa—and warns that without integrated urban planning and inclusive economic growth, cities will face increasing slum proliferation and urban violence.

The report examines the precarious lives of FARDC army wives in the DRC, who often follow their husbands to insecure deployment zones due to a lack of family benefits and the high cost of travel. These women face severe housing shortages, irregular salaries, and social stigmatization, forcing them into diverse survival strategies ranging from petty trade and day labor to illicit activities. The document also highlights the extreme vulnerability of army widows and argues that military reform must address the social and service conditions of personnel and their families to be effective.

The author assesses South Africa's strategic position in the DRC, noting that while South Africa has a significant economic footprint and a constructive security role, it lacks a clear political vision. The paper recommends that South Africa dissuade President Kabila from seeking a third term, support the continued presence of MONUSCO to ensure credible elections, and implement domestic legislation to govern the conduct of its corporations abroad to maintain its credibility as a development actor.

The GTF 2015 report finds that global progress across energy access, efficiency, and renewables during the 2010–2012 period falls substantially short of the rates required to meet 2030 targets. While electrification saw gains, primarily in India, access to clean cooking remained stagnant. Energy intensity improved, led by high-income nations, and renewable energy consumption grew, though not fast enough. The report highlights a massive investment gap, noting that annual flows must triple to reach $1.0–1.2 trillion. It also introduces the 'energy nexus' to explore interdependencies between energy and water, food, health, and gender, and advocates for a 'data revolution' to move beyond binary access metrics toward more nuanced, multi-tier measurements.

The report analyzes the failure of international interventions in the DRC's security sector between 2003 and 2013. It argues that the 'technocratic interpretation' of violence as a lack of state capacity ignored the neo-patrimonial nature of the Congolese state, where elites benefit from a fragmented and divided military (FARDC). While the 2013 defeat of the M23 rebellion provided a temporary success and a window for reform, the authors warn that the underlying political incentives for maintaining a weak, divided army remain strong. The report critiques the 'train and equip' model of SSR and the early phases of the International Security and Stabilization Support Strategy (ISSSS), suggesting that future efforts must move beyond technical fixes to address local community grievances and the opaque power structures in Kinshasa.

The 2011 elections in the DRC were marked by significant logistical failures, allegations of fraud, and persistent insecurity, particularly in the east. While Joseph Kabila was declared the winner and consolidated power, the process was criticized by international observers and the opposition for lacking transparency. Post-election dynamics have been characterized by continued instability in the Kivu regions, including military mutinies and the emergence of the M23 group, alongside deep-seated socio-economic poverty and ethnic polarization.

The document details the business environment in the Democratic Republic of the Congo through the experience of ALASKA, a company importing goods from South Africa and Mauritius. It highlights systemic failures in the DRC's administration, including a cumbersome investment code requiring travel to Kinshasa for registration, high levels of corruption among agencies like the DGDA and OCC, and a fragmented tax system. Infrastructure deficits, specifically poor roads and lack of electricity, increase transport costs and limit the import of frozen products. Additionally, the company faces financial hurdles due to a lack of trust in Congolese banks, high interest rates (up to 36% per annum for micro-finance), and a lack of harmonization in regional SADC traffic laws regarding truck weight loads.

The document details the obstacles Shenimed encounters in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, including systemic corruption in customs and certification processes, high tax burdens, and poor transport infrastructure. It highlights how a lack of reliable electricity forced the company to cease local production in Bukavu and shift to imports from Tanzania. Financial challenges are noted, specifically currency instability of the Congolese franc and a shortage of loans leading to cash flow difficulties. The company advocates for reduced customs procedures, the removal of non-tariff barriers, and better state-private sector consultation to improve the business environment.

The document details the challenges faced by ALBARTOS, a Kinshasa-based trading company, highlighting systemic corruption, inefficient administration, and poor infrastructure in the Democratic Republic of Congo. To navigate these obstacles, the company relies on consultants and informal networks with public officials to expedite permits and avoid over-taxation.

The 2011 elections in the DRC were marked by logistical failures, allegations of fraud, and political radicalization. While Joseph Kabila was declared the winner and maintained a parliamentary majority, the process was criticized by international observers and the domestic opposition. Post-election stability has been undermined by renewed insecurity in the east, specifically army mutinies and tensions with Rwanda, alongside persistent socioeconomic hardship and a lack of national reconciliation.

The document analyzes the shift in Chinese investment in the DRC's telecommunications sector, noting a transition from operating mobile networks to dominating equipment supply. It highlights the failure of ZTE's politically motivated investment in Congo Chine Télécoms (CCT), which was sold to France Telecom-Orange in 2011, and contrasts this with Huawei's success in providing infrastructure to major operators. The author argues that business-oriented strategies, free from political obligations, are more sustainable for foreign investors in the DRC.

The Sicomines agreement is a multibillion-dollar barter deal where a Chinese joint venture (Sicomines) received mining titles in the DRC's Katanga Province in exchange for constructing transport and social infrastructure funded by China Exim Bank loans. Originally signed in 2007 and renegotiated in 2009, the deal reflects a shift in global political economy and China's consolidated role as a foreign policy actor. The 2009 amendments, which reduced the infrastructure component to a maximum of $3 billion and removed the Congolese state guarantee for mining investments, aligned the agreement with the preferences of the IMF and World Bank. This shift was driven partly by China's own ambition to take a more active role within the IMF. While the investment benefits the DRC's mining sector, the ultimate value of the deal depends on the pricing and monitoring of the infrastructure projects, managed by the Congolese Agency for Public Works (ACGT).

The document analyzes the failure to complete multiple phases of the DDR process in the DRC, noting that ongoing violence in the eastern region and a lack of political will have hindered stability. It highlights the tension between 'brassage' (retraining and deployment) and 'mixage' (local integration) and argues that the FARDC's security sector reform cannot succeed without the effective completion of DDR. The report details the roles of international bodies like MONUSCO and the World Bank, while criticizing the Congolese government's preference for operational equipment over institutional accountability and the fragmented approach of bilateral donors.

The report analyzes the systemic nature of corruption in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) from 2003 to 2006, arguing that the 'kleptocratic' legacy of the Mobutu era persisted through the transition. It details how power-sharing agreements under the Sun City Accord prioritized political clientelism over merit, leading to widespread pillaging of public finances, state-owned enterprises, and the mining and forestry sectors. Despite the introduction of new anti-corruption laws and the creation of monitoring bodies like the CELC and OCEP, the report finds these efforts largely failed due to a lack of political will, institutional dysfunction, and the complicity of international partners who prioritized electoral stability over good governance.

The document examines the persistence of a 'predatory political and governance culture' in the DRC, tracing it from the colonial era and Mobutu's dictatorship through the 2003–2006 transition. It finds that power-sharing arrangements under the Sun City Agreement effectively removed checks and balances, enabling widespread looting of state assets, mining resources, and public funds. Despite the introduction of new anti-corruption laws and the creation of bodies like the Ethics and Anti-Corruption Commission (CELC), these efforts failed due to a lack of political will, institutional dysfunction, and a reliance on donor-driven initiatives without local ownership.

The 2006 elections in the Democratic Republic of the Congo ended a three-year transition, resulting in the inauguration of Joseph Kabila. While the process was generally free and fair, it revealed a deep regional divide and was marred by violent clashes in Kinshasa and renewed conflict in North Kivu led by General Nkunda. The document highlights critical needs for military reform and improved state governance to prevent social unrest and ensure long-term stability.

The report analyzes the transition of the Democratic Republic of Congo toward a new political dispensation, focusing on the run-off election between Joseph Kabila and Jean-Pierre Bemba. It highlights the fragility of the security situation in Kinshasa and the eastern provinces, the role of international forces like MONUC and EUFOR, and the risks posed by slow military reform and political intolerance. The document details the first-round results, the formation of political alliances, and provides four potential scenarios for the election outcome, emphasizing the need for the demobilization of candidate-specific security forces to prevent violence.

The Democratic Republic of Congo's first democratic elections in 40 years were largely peaceful, though logistical challenges and security threats persist in eastern provinces. While voter turnout was high, the slow counting process by the Commission Electorale Indépendante (CEI) created political tension. The document outlines two primary scenarios: a first-round victory for a candidate with over 50% of the vote, or a second-round runoff likely between Joseph Kabila and Jean-Pierre Bemba, which could lead to significant political alliances and potential instability.