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The study finds a significant negative relationship between local agricultural price indices and the risk of violent conflict in Africa. Using a meso-level approach with a spatial-temporal grid, the author argues that falling agricultural prices lower the opportunity costs for rural populations, thereby facilitating rebel recruitment and civilian support. The results suggest that negative price shocks have a more detrimental effect on conflict risk than positive shocks have a mitigating effect, supporting the 'opportunity cost' mechanism over the 'state capacity' explanation.

The authors contend that African urbanization is a demographic megatrend that reshapes politics in diverse, context-specific ways. They reject a uniform 'urban effect,' proposing instead that political changes—such as shifts in citizen preferences, elite incentives, and forms of mobilization—are the direct result of territorially-situated power struggles and the specific social relations produced within built environments. The paper examines six domains: citizen preferences, elite interests, political mobilization, gender roles, civil society, and contentious collective action, highlighting how these are mediated by the unique histories and physical characteristics of different urban places.

The author examines the 'quantitative-qualitative mismatch' in conflict studies, where large-N statistical analyses often find no link between income inequality and violence, while case studies suggest a strong connection. The paper posits that political violence is a group phenomenon and therefore driven by horizontal inequalities (HIs)—systematic disparities between ethnic, religious, or regional groups—rather than vertical inequalities (VI) between individuals. The author proposes a theoretical framework where HIs create both motives (grievances) and opportunities (resources and cohesion) for mobilization. The review concludes that while measuring HIs is challenging, evidence from survey-based data and disaggregated studies supports the link between HIs and various forms of political violence, including civil war and urban disorder.

The document provides a comprehensive overview of global conflict trends from 1989 to 2019, noting a record high of 54 state-based conflicts in 2019. It highlights the significant role of the Islamic State (IS) in driving recent conflict increases and the prevalence of internationalized civil conflicts. While battle-related deaths have generally decreased over the last 20 years, specific hotspots in the Middle East, Africa, and Asia remain deadly. The paper also analyzes the decline in peace agreements since 2015 and the persistence of non-state conflicts, particularly violent drug cartel activity in Latin America and communal violence in Africa.

The paper analyzes conflict dynamics in Africa from 1989 to 2019, noting a record high of 25 state-based conflicts in 2019, many of which are low-intensity or involve the Islamic State. While Africa faces rising non-state conflicts and one-sided violence, it also leads other regions in the number of definitive ceasefires and peace agreements. The study further details the growth of UN peacekeeping operations in the region from 1994 to 2018, highlighting a significant increase in troop deployment peaking in 2010.

The document examines the contested nature of 'power sharing,' noting that it is often implemented as a tool for conflict resolution but yields contradictory results in research. It identifies four primary types of power sharing: political, military, territorial, and economic. The author argues that findings vary based on whether researchers view power sharing as a means to achieve stable democracy (consociationalism) or as a tool for postconflict conflict management. While some studies suggest inclusive institutions prolong peace by addressing rebel security concerns, others argue they reward violence, strengthen ethnic divisions, and hinder democratic accountability by marginalizing opposition.

The study introduces the SEAP dataset, covering missions by the UN, NATO, ECOWAS, and the African Union from 1999 to 2010. Through multivariate logit regression, the authors identify that larger mission sizes and a history of extensive sexual violence in the host country's preceding conflict are the most robust predictors of reported SEA. Other significant factors include lower economic development in host countries and a general increase in reporting after 2005, likely due to heightened international focus following the 2005 Zeid report.

The study finds that regions in Sub-Saharan Africa with high levels of both vertical and horizontal socioeconomic inequality are significantly more prone to violent communal conflicts. Specifically, the marginalization of the largest ethnic group in a region is a key driver of violence. The authors argue that the exclusionary nature of the African state and elite incentives to mobilize communal identities transform economic grievances into violent clashes over resources and political power.

The research examines whether armed conflict contributes to excess female mortality by affecting reproductive health and maternal mortality. The study finds that while conflict is associated with moderately higher maternal mortality rates, its effect on overall fertility is only significant in low-income countries, where it may act as a deterrent to the demographic transition. Unexpectedly, the study identifies that conflicts in neighboring countries are associated with lower maternal mortality, potentially due to the effectiveness of international health interventions for refugee populations.

The Alliance for Rural Electrification (ARE) provides capacity building through two primary channels: Investment Academies, which help small and medium enterprises secure finance through modules on business planning and pitching, and the CORE Initiative, which offers technical training on DRE systems like mini-grids and solar thermal energy. These programs have trained 3,050 practitioners and 210 trainers across 15 countries, targeting the development of bankable projects and the transfer of engineering skills to enhance energy access and security in Africa, Asia-Pacific, and Latin America.

ENGIE Energy Access identifies a critical funding gap and strategic misalignment in the effort to achieve universal energy access in Sub-Saharan Africa. The report argues that current grant funding is too limited, fragmented, and often diverted from core household electrification toward higher-tier or niche goals. It proposes four strategic shifts: refocusing on basic household access (Tier 1–2), tailoring financial instruments to specific market segments, increasing the share of grants in the capital mix to approximately 50%, and transitioning to coordinated programmatic platforms with standardised administration.

The document analyzes Senegal's macroeconomic trajectory from the 1970s through the COVID-19 pandemic. It highlights how the pandemic caused a significant drop in GDP growth in 2020, severely impacting sectors such as tourism, transport, and agriculture. To counter this, the Senegalese government and the Central Bank of West African States (BCEAO) deployed a combination of stimulus packages, tax rebates, and liquidity measures. These interventions are credited with achieving a 1.3% real GDP growth in 2020, outperforming initial IMF forecasts of -0.4%. The paper also discusses the role of foreign direct investment, the potential of future oil and gas production, and the long-term goals of the Emerging Senegal Plan.

A budget vote speech delivered by the Minister of International Relations and Cooperation, Maite Nkoana-Mashabane, to the National Assembly on 31 May 2011. The speech outlines South Africa's foreign policy priorities, its role in regional and global governance, and the operational goals of the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO).

In this address, Ebrahim Ebrahim discusses the evolving nature of global conflict, noting that climate change and resource scarcity are increasing tensions. He argues that Post-Conflict Reconstruction and Development (PCRD) is often under-resourced and suggests that lasting peace requires sustained security, broad-based social participation, and home-grown solutions. He highlights South Africa's commitment to peace support through the African Union and SADC, and advocates for South-South cooperation via the G77 plus China to secure the financial resources and technology transfer necessary for effective PCRD.

The report details France's transition from a neo-colonial 'policeman' of francophone Africa to a more diversified continental strategy that prioritizes economic interests and partnerships with non-franc zone powers like South Africa. It examines the shift from direct military intervention to supporting African-owned peacekeeping, the contradictions in French development aid versus its Common Agricultural Policy, and the growth of bilateral trade and investment between France and South Africa.

The document examines the shift in India's Africa policy from Cold War-era support for anti-colonial and anti-apartheid struggles to a modern approach centered on economic diplomacy and energy security. While India seeks to secure crude oil and LNG to fuel its projected economic growth, the author argues that its engagement remains 'development friendly' and 'Third Worldist,' evidenced by diversified trade, capacity-building initiatives, and multilateral cooperation through forums like IBSA.

The report argues that electrification and clean cooking have historically been treated as separate sectors, leading to inefficient energy planning. It advocates for 'integrated energy planning' that leverages the synergies between electricity access and eCooking to accelerate the transition away from biomass. The document reviews various modelling approaches—including energy system planning, sub-sector planning, and geospatial energy access planning—and highlights the Integrated Clean Cooking Plan Tool (ICCPT) in Rwanda as a significant methodological advance. It also details the policy, financial, and data requirements necessary to operationalize these plans, such as eCooking tariffs, results-based financing, and digital monitoring, reporting and verification (dMRV) for carbon finance.

The report identifies significant cooling access gaps in Ghana, with 12.9 million people at high risk due to poverty and lack of electricity. It argues for a transition to sustainable cooling by integrating passive design, higher energy efficiency standards, and the phase-out of HFC refrigerants. Key focus areas include developing cold chains for agriculture and healthcare to reduce food loss and improve vaccine distribution, while addressing the urban heat island effect in cities like Accra and Kumasi.

The report finds that Nigeria's health sector is severely underfunded, with the health budget averaging 5% of the national budget, far below the 15% Abuja declaration. Consequently, over 75% of health spending is borne by households through out-of-pocket expenses. Primary healthcare facilities (PHCs) often rely on user fees to cover operational costs, including electricity from the grid and fuel generators, which cost an average of ₦23,500 to ₦48,000 per month. To achieve the NPHCDA target of 10,000 electrified PHCs, the report estimates a total requirement of $525 million, split between short-term needs ($180 million for 3,433 facilities) and medium-term needs ($345 million for 6,567 facilities). The document recommends a blended financing approach combining government funds like the Basic Healthcare Provision Fund (BHCPF), donor grants, and private sector debt and equity to mitigate risks for energy service companies.

Colombia is utilizing the CCAC SNAP initiative and the LEAP-IBC tool to identify priority emitting sectors and integrate short-lived climate pollutant (SLCP) mitigation into its national air quality and climate change policies. The process involves quantifying emission scenarios to inform legal frameworks and funding, with specific focus on agriculture (rice paddies, sugar cane, manure management), transport, brick kilns, and cookstoves. To date, 60 regional climate change plans have been reviewed to identify implementation opportunities, and 15 of the 100 measures in Colombia's INDC resulted from SNAP Phase I.