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The document outlines critical areas for climate finance at COP 21, emphasizing the need for developed countries to meet the $100 billion annual goal by 2020, increasing funding for adaptation, and improving transparency in reporting finance flows. It highlights recent pledges from various nations and argues for a shift in trillions of dollars from high-emissions to low-emissions activities.

The document is a call to action by cleantech entrepreneurs and supporting organisations directed at COP21. It argues that viable solutions for decarbonisation already exist but are hindered by policy influence and capital allocation favouring the fossil fuel industry. The signatories demand a global shift to 100% renewable energy by 2050, the redirection of finance away from fossil fuels, and the implementation of science-based targets and carbon pricing.

The handbook explains the legal framework of the EU Air Quality Directive, emphasizing the enforceability of 'limit values' for pollutants like NO2 and PM10. It details how citizens and NGOs can use the Aarhus Convention's pillars—access to information, public participation, and access to justice—to challenge inadequate air quality plans and government inaction in national courts. The document also outlines the European Commission's infringement procedures and the 'Fresh Approach' to tackling systemic breaches of air quality standards across Member States.

The guidelines establish a 'first green, then smart' approach, where smart technologies are used to optimize the outcomes of sustainable urban design. The framework covers six smart categories: telecommunications, mobility, governance, energy management, safety, and public services, supported by global case studies to demonstrate economic and environmental viability.

The authors argue that the EU faces a democracy crisis characterized by citizen mistrust and a perceived lack of representation. To counter this, they suggest that Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) should engage more actively in online debates and that the European Parliament should become a primary forum for transnational public debate on issues like climate change and data protection. The paper emphasizes the need to integrate European and national politics, suggesting that national parliaments—particularly through scrutiny committees in countries like Denmark, Finland, and Germany—should play a more prominent role in explaining EU business to voters. Proposed reforms include giving national parliaments the right to suggest EU-level actions, allowing MEPs and commissioners to address national parliaments, and creating a eurozone oversight committee. Finally, the authors advocate for shifting the focus from bringing regional officials to Brussels to bringing EU engagement directly to the regions and municipalities to better reflect local concerns.

The European steel and cement sectors face substantial surplus production capacity and limited reinvestment, hindering the adoption of low-carbon technologies. While energy efficiency and fuel-switching have provided some gains, breakthrough process technologies like carbon capture and storage (CCS) require significant public funding and a credible, long-term carbon price signal for both producers and consumers to be viable. The report argues that a comprehensive policy package—combining the EU ETS, innovation funding, and updated building standards—is essential to transition these capital-intensive industries toward sustainable, high-value production.

The report argues that a "carbon market only" approach is insufficient for the cost-effective decarbonisation of the European power sector. While the EU ETS is an effective tool for driving fuel switching in the residual thermal generation mix, it cannot alone drive necessary investments in low-carbon technologies due to high capital costs, revenue risks, and the 'merit order effect'. The authors recommend a policy mix where the EU ETS is complemented by tailored national investment supports—such as feed-in tariffs or contracts for difference—to reduce the cost of capital. To ensure coherence, the report proposes an ex-ante cap adjustment process for the ETS based on Member State National Energy and Climate Plans and the development of long-term decarbonisation strategies back-casted from 2050.

The document argues that the EU must address the root causes of migration—such as poverty and armed conflict—rather than just symptoms. It proposes four main pillars: establishing a permanent European search and rescue operation to proactively save lives; increasing resettlement places and providing safe, legal access to the EU to bypass smugglers; safeguarding the right to spontaneous asylum applications at external borders while opposing the militarization of migration policy; and replacing the Dublin system with a solidarity-based responsibility-sharing mechanism for asylum seekers.

As of 31 March 2015, the Green Climate Fund Trust Fund had received total contributions of USDeq. 171.20 million, with USDeq. 128.00 million deposited by 23 contributors. The GCF Board approved funding totaling USD 65.11 million for administrative budgets and readiness activities, while the interim trustee transferred USD 19.62 million. Total funds available to support GCF Board funding decisions were USD 63,147,206.

The report examines the feasibility of reaching the $100 billion annual climate finance goal by 2020 through four scenarios of varying inclusivity. It finds that relying solely on developed country climate finance is insufficient, while a combination of public flows—including multilateral development bank (MDB) finance and climate-related official development assistance (ODA)—alongside leveraged private sector investment makes the target achievable even under low-growth projections. The analysis highlights a persistent imbalance, with mitigation finance projected to significantly outweigh adaptation finance across all scenarios.

The report examines Energy Savings Insurance (ESI), an instrument developed by the Inter-American Development Bank and BASE to unlock energy efficiency investments for SMEs by insuring against the risk that projected energy savings are not met. ESI can absorb up to 80% of underperformance risk and is being piloted or replicated across several countries, including Mexico, Colombia, and El Salvador. If scaled globally, the instrument is estimated to drive USD 10-100 billion in investment and reduce annual emissions by 27-234 MtCO2 by 2030.

The report estimates the global ocean's total asset base at at least US$24 trillion, with an annual 'gross marine product' of US$2.5 trillion, making it the world's seventh largest economy. It warns that over two-thirds of this value depends on healthy ocean conditions, which are currently being eroded by overfishing, pollution, and climate change. The document proposes eight strategic actions, including expanding marine protected areas to 30% by 2030 and decarbonizing energy systems to prevent the projected disappearance of coral reefs by 2050.

The report examines community resilience in two Alpine regions. In South Tyrol, it analyzes the impact of a December 2012 landslide in Badia, finding that while risk awareness is high, it does not always lead to individual preparedness. The study highlights the critical role of local social networks and the high trust placed in local authorities like the fire brigade and municipality. In Grisons, the report focuses on the methodology for creating quantitative resilience indicators, such as residence time and past disaster awareness, to help decision-makers prioritize preventive actions.

Return migration to Pakistan is highly diverse, ranging from the lifestyle-driven back-and-forth mobility of naturalized citizens from Europe to the forced return of irregular migrants via deportations and assisted voluntary return programmes. While the country relies heavily on remittances—receiving 18.4 billion USD in financial year 2014—returnees often face a context of instability, poor living conditions, and a lack of trust in state institutions due to corruption and nepotism. The Pakistani government's approach to return migration has primarily focused on short-term laborers from the Middle East and the promotion of formal remittance channels, leaving the needs of other diaspora groups largely unaddressed and the country's broader socioeconomic potential untapped.

The report analyzes the resurgence of the far right in Europe, arguing that 'mainstream' and 'extremism' are not opposites but exist on a volatile continuum. It provides case studies on parties such as the Front National in France, Golden Dawn in Greece, and Jobbik in Hungary, examining how they leverage crises—economic, political, or social—to gain legitimacy. The text highlights a trend of 'mainstreaming,' where extreme right ideas are adopted by centrist parties, and explores the role of leadership and organizational strategy in the growth of these movements.

The CADWAGO final workshop in Sassari, Italy, brought together 35 researchers and practitioners to discuss systemic water governance and climate adaptation. The event featured project findings on governance praxis and co-learning, external perspectives on catchment management in the UK and disaster management in Australia, and a field visit to Arborea, Sardinia. A central highlight was 'La Rasgioni' (the water court), a traditional conflict resolution process used to facilitate dialogue between dairy farmers and institutional authorities regarding nitrate pollution. Participants concluded that effective water governance requires moving beyond traditional stakeholder participation toward conscious co-learning and systemic designs that reconcile conflicting interests.

Friends of the Earth International and its signatories critique the Lima Conference for producing weak pre-2020 mitigation pledges and failing to secure binding commitments on finance, adaptation, and loss and damage. The statement asserts that the outcome shifts responsibility to the Global South, protects polluting corporations, and risks expanding carbon markets at the expense of land rights. It calls for a systemic transformation away from fossil fuels toward community-controlled renewable energy and agro-ecological solutions.

The document asserts that 90 entities, including 50 investor-owned companies, are responsible for 63% of industrial CO2 and methane emissions since 1751. It argues that these companies ignored scientific warnings as early as 1988 and actively worked to discredit climate science. The author calls for these producers to stop disinformation, disclose financial risks, support the 2°C warming target, and pay for climate-related damages.

The author contends that the TTIP and CETA trade agreements allow corporations to bypass national courts and sue EU governments in the London Court of International Arbitration (LCIA) via the ISDS clause. The text highlights 2014 updates to LCIA rules that allegedly make it easier for corporations to sue taxpayers, limit the ability of governments to challenge arbitrator impartiality, and allow for corporate class action suits. The author warns that these mechanisms could be used to block environmental protections, such as bans on fracking, or prevent the reversal of public service privatisations, effectively placing corporate interests above democratic law.

The Friends of the Earth International General Assembly, meeting in Kandy, Sri Lanka, in October 2014, decided to end the membership of Amici della Terra (Friends of the Earth Italy) after 36 years, citing a divergence in their shared vision of environmental justice and mission.