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A coalition of 98 global entities argues that the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) fails to comply with international human rights obligations, specifically those recognized in the 2010 Cancun Agreements. The letter calls for the establishment of an independent accountability mechanism, the adoption of international sustainable development safeguards, and the implementation of improved stakeholder consultation processes to prevent environmental and social harms.

The paper argues that ecological, financial, and political systems are under increasing pressure, creating a need to integrate 'hard' security (state-centric) with 'human' security (individual and ecosystem well-being). It identifies commonalities between these fields—such as uncertainty, irreversibilities, and multi-stakeholder complexity—and proposes a three-step methodology: context analysis, participatory scenario building, and options appraisal. Case studies demonstrate how water scarcity in the Nile and Euphrates-Tigris basins, climate-driven geophysical changes in the Arctic, and energy-water dependencies in Central Asia create security risks that require integrated governance and investment strategies.

The report posits that Iran's nuclear power program is economically unviable and creates security ambiguities that could be resolved by shifting toward energy efficiency and renewables. It suggests that international cooperation in these sectors would align with Iran's economic interests, reduce the domestic case for nuclear power, and potentially halt a regional nuclear arms race. The author highlights Iran's significant wind and solar potential and compares this transition to experiences in Argentina and Brazil.

The document proposes that leveraging Iran's potential for energy efficiency and renewables over the next 10-15 years could discredit its nuclear power program and prevent a regional nuclear arms race. It suggests this approach would meet Iran's need for secure and affordable energy while modernizing the interpretation of Article IV of the Non-Proliferation Treaty.

The document serves as an appendix to a study on the relationship between majority religion and armed conflict. It provides detailed datasets on the majority religions of countries as of 2010, the incidence of intrastate armed conflict by religion between 1991 and 2012, and a comprehensive list of opposition groups in intrastate conflicts from 1946 to 2013. It specifically examines the prevalence of Islamist insurgents and the conflict history of the ten countries with the largest Muslim populations.

The document examines the strategic realignment in the Eastern Mediterranean involving the Republic of Cyprus (RoC), Israel, and Turkey. It argues that while the RoC, Israel, and Greece have formed a new security bloc to balance Turkey's naval ambitions, a structural need to contain Iranian influence is driving a rapprochement between Israel and Turkey. This shift is further incentivized by commercial imperatives, as the discovery of Egypt's Zohr gas field makes Turkey a more viable export market for Israeli natural gas. The author contends that these twin dynamics—the Turkey-Israel rapprochement and the RoC-Israel-Greece security formation—provide a new balance of incentives and guarantees that could facilitate a resolution to the Cyprus conflict.

Return migration to Pakistan is highly diverse, ranging from the lifestyle-driven back-and-forth mobility of naturalized citizens from Europe to the forced return of irregular migrants via deportations and assisted voluntary return programmes. While the country relies heavily on remittances—receiving 18.4 billion USD in financial year 2014—returnees often face a context of instability, poor living conditions, and a lack of trust in state institutions due to corruption and nepotism. The Pakistani government's approach to return migration has primarily focused on short-term laborers from the Middle East and the promotion of formal remittance channels, leaving the needs of other diaspora groups largely unaddressed and the country's broader socioeconomic potential untapped.

The policy brief examines how temporal perspectives influence the integration of immigrants in Norway. Based on interviews with 67 individuals from diverse backgrounds, the authors argue that a sense of belonging is not a linear process but is shaped by the age at which a person arrives, how long they have lived in the country, and their current life-cycle phase (such as parenthood or old age). The brief critiques the use of 'generation' labels, suggesting that such categorizations homogenize heterogeneous groups and can hinder the sense of belonging. It concludes that focusing on these temporal and social dimensions, rather than primarily on national origin, is essential for improving integration efforts and social acceptance.

The document analyzes the African Group's engagement at the UN Human Rights Council, noting a tension between a desire for regional leadership and a tendency to grant accused governments veto power over resolutions. While some 'human rights-friendly' states consistently support country-specific resolutions, others systematically abstain or oppose them, leading to an uneven response to crises across the continent and globally.

The research paper assesses the 2014 US-Africa Summit and the 'US strategy toward Sub-Saharan Africa', arguing that while economic growth in Africa is rising, democratic governance remains a 'chronic twin-deficit' alongside peace and security. It notes that the rise of emerging powers like China, which saw trade with Africa grow from 'US$3 billion in 2002 to around US$192 billion in 2012', has provided African states with financial alternatives that may 'corrosive impact on the pace of the democratisation agenda'. The author suggests the US should move beyond supporting 'minimalist electoral outcomes' and instead support the African Union's African Peer Review Mechanism and African Governance Architecture to foster robust, accountable institutions.

Natural gas, primarily composed of methane, forms from the thermal breakdown of ancient organic matter under heat and pressure. Its storage depends on rock porosity and permeability, with deposits categorized as conventional or unconventional. In the United States, the Energy Information Administration estimated 2,203 trillion cubic feet of recoverable gas in 2009, though global reserves are significantly higher, with Russia holding the largest share.

The document argues that agricultural cooperatives promote inclusive investment by allowing farmers to maintain control over resources while achieving economies of scale. It highlights that well-organized cooperatives reduce risk for foreign investors and facilitate more efficient contracting. The brief emphasizes that government support should be limited to creating an enabling legal environment and providing technical resources, rather than interfering in internal management, as bottom-up initiatives are generally more successful.

The document promotes agricultural cooperatives as a socially and politically acceptable alternative to 'land grabbing,' allowing farmers to retain control of their resources while accessing markets and finance. It distinguishes between production and service cooperatives and highlights the benefits of collective bargaining and resource sharing. The text emphasizes that while foreign investment can reduce risk and provide capital, government support should be limited to creating a favorable legal environment and providing technical training, rather than direct interference in management.

The document analyzes the gap between current and ideal governance practices for sustainable development in Asia-Pacific, focusing on multistakeholder processes, vertical and horizontal integration, and monitoring and evaluation. It identifies a prevalence of 'silo' approaches where sustainable development is managed primarily by environment ministries and recommends a comprehensive capacity-building agenda to improve long-term strategic planning, data quality, and subnational implementation.

The paper argues that fossil-fuel subsidies in Emerging and Developing Asia, totaling US$104 billion in 2011, represent a significant opportunity to finance the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). It contends that these subsidies are regressive, primarily benefiting wealthier populations while undermining investments in renewable energy and public health. Using case studies from the Philippines and Indonesia, the document demonstrates how transitioning from universal subsidies to targeted social welfare programs and fuel taxation can improve fiscal health and social equity. The author recommends that the SDGs explicitly include a goal to phase out inefficient fossil-fuel subsidies by 2030 to encourage national reforms.

The Basque Country exhibits a high resource dependency, with a Total Material Requirement of 108 tons per capita in 2004, 83% of which is imported. This consumption pattern drives significant environmental and social degradation abroad, including oil spills in Nigeria, deforestation for palm oil in Indonesia, toxic pollution from nickel mining in Russia, and watershed degradation from tin mining in Bolivia. The document argues that the economic prosperity of developed regions is linked to an unsustainable use of global resources and calls for a transformation in consumption and production patterns to meet basic human needs without exceeding planetary limits.

The document examines South Africa's intention to build a fleet of six new nuclear power stations to add 9,600 MW of capacity by 2020. It highlights the drivers of this expansion—including population growth, ageing infrastructure, and climate targets—while raising significant concerns regarding the financial stability of Eskom, the opacity of the tender process, and the rise of resource nationalism concerning uranium. The paper also details South Africa's nuclear diplomacy within Africa and its relations with global nuclear powers like Russia and France.

The document examines the structure and consequences of energy subsidies in Malaysia, noting that they disproportionately benefit high-income groups and create significant fiscal and environmental burdens. It details the mechanisms used to subsidize petroleum and electricity, the failures of the Subsidy Rationalisation Programme, and provides a framework for transitioning to market-based pricing while mitigating social impacts.

The document provides a comprehensive overview of energy subsidies in Thailand, detailing the mechanisms used to subsidize LPG, NGV, diesel, electricity, and biofuels. It argues that while these subsidies aim to ensure affordability, they often disproportionately benefit higher-income groups, encourage wasteful consumption, and create fiscal strain on the government and state-owned enterprises. The guide outlines the negative impacts of these subsidies, such as fuel smuggling and environmental degradation, and suggests reform strategies based on international experience, emphasizing the need for market-based pricing and targeted social assistance.

The document analyzes Senegal's foreign policy since 2000, noting a transition from 'classic' diplomacy to a 'technicized' approach where the Ministry of Foreign Affairs lost its monopoly to specialized ministries and non-state actors. It highlights the 'hyper-power' of the presidency, the marginalization of the legislative and judicial branches, and a strategic shift toward emerging economic partners like China and Dubai. The paper concludes that while President Abdoulaye Wade's tenure was marked by high personalization and pan-Africanist ambitions, the 2012 election of Macky Sall signaled a return to more traditional diplomatic relations, particularly with France and neighboring states.