Search Climate Insights Directory

The document defines fossil fuel subsidies as mechanisms that price fuels below real costs, noting that explicit subsidies reached USD 1.1 trillion in 2023, while total estimates including climate and health costs exceed USD 7 trillion. It argues that these subsidies distort markets, encourage overconsumption, and undermine energy security by increasing vulnerability to global price shocks. The guide highlights that reform can reduce CO2 emissions by 1%–10% by 2030 and generate fiscal savings for reinvestment in clean energy. It notes that broad subsidies often disproportionately benefit high-income households, with the top 20% receiving up to six times more benefits than the poorest 20%. Examples of successful reforms are cited from Indonesia, India, and Italy. The document also details the role of COFFIS in improving transparency through national subsidy inventories and phase-out plans.

The cement and concrete sector accounts for nearly 8 percent of global carbon dioxide emissions, primarily due to clinker production. Decarbonization requires a three-pronged innovation approach: 'Make Less' (reducing demand through design and efficiency), 'Make Better' (improving existing processes via supplementary cementitious materials and carbon storage), and 'Make New' (developing disruptive, zero-clinker chemistries and electrified production). While near-zero emission cement currently represents less than 1 percent of the market, the report highlights that scaling these technologies requires overcoming fragmented markets, outdated prescriptive standards, and a significant funding gap, as the sector has received less than 1 percent of climate tech venture capital over the last five years.

In the first three quarters of 2025, record solar and wind growth exceeded electricity demand increases, leading to a forecast of no fossil fuel growth for the full year—the first such occurrence since the Covid-19 pandemic.

The G20 is characterized as an effective platform for macroeconomic crisis response that consistently fails to address systemic inequities, debt burdens, and environmental degradation. While the forum represents 85% of global GDP, its legitimacy is contested due to the dominance of G7 members and the fact that G20 members provided $1.4tn in explicit fossil-fuel support in 2022. The report notes that recent Global South presidencies (Indonesia, India, Brazil, and South Africa) have shifted priorities toward energy transition financing, digital public infrastructure, taxation of the super-rich, and care economies. The author recommends that the G20 redefine 'crisis' to include human and planetary security and integrate justice metrics into its coordination efforts.

The document assesses India's 2024 guidelines against greenwashing, which prohibit vague environmental claims and require credible evidence for substantiation. These measures aim to align Indian businesses with international standards, enhance consumer trust, and improve competitiveness in global value chains, particularly within the retail, textile, and fast-moving consumer goods sectors. The text emphasizes that successful implementation relies on increasing consumer awareness, building institutional capacity, and strengthening third-party verification mechanisms such as eco-labels.

Expanding Canadian LNG capacity is projected to increase domestic emissions, potentially raising British Columbia's total emissions by nearly 20% by 2035. The impact on global emissions is described as ambiguous, as there are no guarantees that Canadian LNG will displace higher-emission fuels like coal or other LNG sources, especially given the rapid growth of renewables in key markets like China, India, and Japan. The author argues that LNG exports should not be viewed as a substitute for domestic climate policy and recommends stringent methane regulations, transparent industrial carbon pricing, and the avoidance of public subsidies for LNG projects.

The policy brief examines how water scarcity empowers non-state armed groups, delegitimizes state authority, and fuels transboundary disputes, while proposing that the US utilize its technological leadership and mediation experience to maintain geopolitical stability.

The report finds that while total emissions from 25 major emitters may peak by 2026, current policies are insufficient to meet the Paris Agreement's 1.5°C goal. Fifteen countries are likely on track to meet their 2030 unconditional NDC targets, while nine are off track, including the US, UK, and Japan. Projections for the US have worsened due to policy rollbacks, and eight countries are already projected to miss their 2035 unconditional NDC targets.

Indonesia's coal production reached a record 836 million tonnes in 2024, but is projected to fall to approximately 755-756 million tonnes in 2025. This decline is driven by a contraction in export markets, particularly in China and India, where domestic production and renewable energy deployment are displacing Indonesian imports. While Indonesia's domestic demand continues to grow—driven by the power sector and metal processing industries—it is insufficient to offset the export losses. The report notes that Indonesia's long-term coal demand trajectory remains misaligned with Paris Agreement goals.

Indonesia's coal sector is facing a downturn as production records in 2024 are met with declining export demand from China and India and rising production costs. This oversupply has eroded company profits and state non-tax revenues. Simultaneously, coal mine methane (CMM) emissions are significantly underreported and are projected to rise by 25% by 2030, driven by the expansion of underground mining in South Kalimantan. The report recommends a moratorium on new mines, improved methane monitoring, and a just transition framework for coal-dependent regions.

The report details a downturn in Indonesia's coal sector, where a strategy of increasing production volumes to offset falling global prices is contributing to market oversupply. This trend, combined with rising operational costs from inflation and new biodiesel mandates (B40), has led to a decline in net income for producers. Consequently, state non-tax revenues and provincial fiscal transfers to coal-dependent regions like East Kalimantan and South Sumatra have dropped significantly since the 2022 price peak.

The report analyzes energy subsidies and revenues in Chhattisgarh between FY 2020 and 2024, finding that fossil fuel subsidies have doubled since 2020 and that 78% of energy-related revenues depend on fossil fuels. While the state government provides 98% of electricity subsidies, clean energy subsidies account for only 8% of total quantified subsidies. The document recommends establishing state-level net-zero targets, better targeting electricity subsidies, diversifying revenue beyond coal, oil, and gas, and creating social support mechanisms for coal-dependent workers.

The report identifies a ₹75,500 crore (US$9 billion) market opportunity in India's battery circularity, projecting significant potential for reuse (220 GWh by 2050) and repurposing (600 GWh by 2050). It argues that domestic recycling could meet over 40 percent of India's lithium, nickel, and cobalt needs by 2050, while creating 106,000 green jobs and avoiding 2.9 million tons of CO2 equivalent. Success depends on five enablers: policy reform, digital traceability, financing interventions, technology development, and workforce training.

RMI highlights the transition from climate commitments to action across several global regions. China is leading in renewable deployment and clean tech exports, while Brazil focuses on low-carbon shipping and ambitious NDCs as the COP30 host. India is pursuing energy independence by 2047 through clean mobility and cooling innovations. Southeast Asia is scaling clean infrastructure and battery storage, and the United States continues to see subnational progress in grid optimization and clean industrialization despite federal delegation concerns.

The World Resources Institute outlines a seven-part framework to move intergovernmental climate coalitions from symbolic announcements to measurable impact. The guide emphasizes the need for clear purposes, actionable goals, diverse leadership—particularly from the Global South—and robust institutional structures like secretariats. It argues that without systematic monitoring and the integration of goals into national policies, the growing number of climate pledges risks duplication and dilution rather than systemic delivery.

The statement asserts that climate change is a justice issue, as historically wealthy industrialized nations caused the crisis while disadvantaged communities in the Global South suffer disproportionately. It argues that 'communication and information deficits'—such as limited media access and a lack of public interest journalism—prevent the knowledge of affected communities from reaching policymakers. To address this, the World Association for Christian Communication (WACC) proposes several measures, including promoting ICT access for Indigenous groups and supporting the sharing of traditional ecological knowledge, which it will present at COP30.

The report documents the increasing recognition of Indigenous Peoples and traditional knowledge within the UNFCCC process, listing specific references across various policy areas including adaptation, finance, and technology. It highlights the role of the Local Communities and Indigenous Peoples Platform (LCIPP) and emphasizes the necessity of a rights-based approach to climate action, grounded in the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples.

The report argues that the end of fossil fuel advertising is inevitable and that marketing agencies must proactively 'off-ramp' these clients to avoid financial and reputational damage. It estimates that the top 29 oil majors spent $6.97 billion on media, creative, and PR in 2024, with $3.03 billion going to major holding companies and $3.94 billion to independent agencies. The document highlights the risks of retention, citing Havas' loss of B Corp certification and Edelman's 5% revenue decline in 2024. It proposes a phased exit strategy ending in 2030, suggesting agencies pivot toward high-growth sectors including healthcare (projected $36.4 billion marketing value by 2030), renewables, and the circular economy (a $4.5 trillion global opportunity by 2030).

The report identifies a conservative USD 4.4 trillion pipeline of creditworthy sustainable bonds from 12 climate-leader countries through 2035. It argues that global megatrends—such as electrification, urbanisation, and the rise of AI—will further accelerate this pipeline beyond current projections. The document also outlines policy levers, including taxonomies and monetary policy, that governments can use to channel capital into mitigation and resilience projects.

The report examines the role of social media platforms in spreading climate disinformation, highlighting how algorithmic systems and revenue-sharing models incentivise misleading content. It specifically assesses the compliance of Very Large Online Platforms (VLOPs) with the EU Digital Services Act (DSA), concluding that most have failed to identify or mitigate climate disinformation as a systemic risk.