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The document examines the AAU market from 2008 to 2012, focusing on how Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries used Green Investment Schemes (GIS) to transform 'hot air'—surplus emission rights resulting from economic downturns—into funding for climate mitigation. It analyzes the strategies of seller countries like Estonia and the Czech Republic, which were successful due to transparent monitoring, and buyer countries like Japan and Spain, which used these deals for technology exports. The report highlights a significant price drop in AAUs by 2012 and discusses the potential for GIS to inform future fund-based mechanisms like NAMAs in developing countries.

The document updates the 2011 subsidy estimates for EU biofuels, reducing the total estimated support from €9,272–€10,653 million to €5,515–€6,896 million. This correction stems from an overestimation of the volume of biofuels eligible for fuel excise tax exemptions. While budgetary support figures for bioethanol and biodiesel were lowered, other support elements, such as market transfers, remain unchanged. The report also details the calculation methodologies for excise tax exemptions and market price support via blending mandates.

The document advocates for an EU based on 'hospitality' and international solidarity, moving beyond trade agreements to ensure freedom of movement and access to services for all citizens. It highlights the challenges posed by austerity and the rise of xenophobic nationalism, while calling for a Common Asylum System and recognition of climate change's role in migration.

The document argues that a green transformation requires a comprehensive political project combining technological innovation with social change. It examines the tension between 'green growth' and 'degrowth', the need for a European Green New Deal, and the role of federalism in managing ecological and social crises. The text also addresses the challenges of migrant integration and the necessity of expanding solidarity to include nature and future generations.

The document advocates for a 'cultural and social revolution' in food systems to replace the industrial agro-industry, which it links to environmental degradation and public health crises. It critiques the EU's Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) for favoring large-scale production over small farmers and biodiversity. Through various regional case studies—including France's 'malbouffe' crisis, land-grabbing in Hungary, and organic farming in Spain—it promotes short supply chains, agro-ecology, and the reconnection of consumers with producers. It also highlights specific Green political initiatives in Belgium and Germany aimed at promoting organic and GMO-free agriculture.

The author analyzes the electoral performance of European Green parties following the 2009 financial crisis, noting a trend of decline in several countries. To counter this, the text proposes five strategic challenges: focusing on societal needs over internal struggles, embracing diversity in leadership and membership, transitioning from 'whistleblowers' to 'solution providers', establishing credibility on economic issues by promoting alternative green economic concepts, and asserting a strong commitment to social justice and equity. The author advocates for a 'Green New Deal' as a practical first step toward a radical paradigm shift in the development model, emphasizing that proposed efforts must be effective, fair, and legitimate to restore public trust.

The letter expresses concern that carbon offsets are undermining EU climate goals by stifling domestic emission reductions and supporting projects that lack environmental integrity. It specifically highlights the negative impacts of coal-fired power plants and large hydro projects in the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), as well as the lack of transparency in Track 1 Joint Implementation (JI).

The author contends that austerity policies in Europe, especially in post-socialist states, have led to substantial budget cuts in higher education and a push toward the commodification of learning. The text highlights that these measures often shift costs to students through tuition fees and prioritize market-driven research over humanities and fundamental sciences, thereby undermining social equality and the goals of the Europe 2020 strategy.

The document argues that the Eurozone crisis is a symptom of a failing 'liberal-productivist' economic model and a lack of democratic legitimacy in EU governance. It proposes a 'Green New Deal' focusing on renewable energy, financial re-regulation, and social justice to replace GDP-centric growth. Specific analyses cover the structural failures of austerity in Portugal, the political shift toward majoritarian nationalism in Hungary, and the need for a transnational European public sphere to foster solidarity and democratic reform.

The policy brief examines the 'letting others lead' approach of European states toward the regulation of commercial military services. It contends that the perceived restrictiveness of European frameworks is an illusion, as core military tasks are routinely outsourced and regulations are often interpreted permissively or bypassed. This lack of internal rigor leads European states to relegate regulatory initiative to allies (such as the US and UK), multi-stakeholder codes of conduct, and industry self-regulation, which further fragments the global regulatory landscape and reduces accountability.

The policy brief examines the growing but under-reported reliance on private companies for military services across Europe. It contends that unlike the US and UK, European states maintain 'hybrid' arrangements where the state remains closely linked to market actors, which masks the extent of commercialization and prevents public democratic debate. The author identifies four drivers of this trend—technological, economic, strategic, and public management processes—and argues that the resulting lack of clear accountability benefits security professionals who prefer to avoid public scrutiny.

The document analyzes how the European Union has integrated New Member States (NMS) into its climate framework through various effort-sharing mechanisms. It highlights the systemic economic and energy divergences between the EU15 and NMS, such as higher energy intensity and coal dependence in the East. The report examines the evolution of target distribution from the Kyoto Protocol and the EU ETS Phase II to the 2008 Climate and Energy Package, concluding that while centralized governance and GDP-based redistribution have improved fairness and ambition, they have often come at the cost of economic efficiency and domestic sovereignty over energy mixes.

The paper examines how the 'full protection and security' (FPS) standard has evolved from a narrow focus on physical security to a broader interpretation including legal and commercial security. It analyzes conflicting arbitral rulings on whether FPS is an independent treaty standard or reflects the customary international law minimum standard of treatment for aliens. The author highlights the risks for developing states, noting a 46% success rate for investors in FPS claims over 21 years, and suggests that states should explicitly define the scope of FPS in treaties to avoid expansive interpretations by tribunals.

The report examines 17 arbitral awards from ICSID, UNCITRAL, and SCC tribunals between September 2010 and October 2011. It highlights ongoing controversies over the definition of 'investment,' including the inclusion of sovereign debt and commercial contracts. It discusses the 'pick and choose' approach to Most-Favoured Nation (MFN) clauses, the high threshold for proving expropriation, and the broad interpretation of Fair and Equitable Treatment (FET) standards. The document also notes the rejection of jurisdiction in cases where investors failed to prove 'real economic activity' or where national investment laws lacked explicit consent to international arbitration.

The study analyzes how EU ETS carbon pricing and allowance allocations influence the strategic decisions of manufacturing firms. Key findings indicate that while many firms implement basic energy-saving measures, a significant portion of EU ETS participants engage passively with the market. Crucially, the research identifies a causal link between the stringency of emissions caps and 'clean' product innovation, suggesting that generous free allowance allocations may actually hinder innovation by reducing the signaling effect for senior management.

Based on interviews with approximately 800 manufacturing firms in Belgium, France, Germany, Hungary, Poland, and the UK, the study examines how carbon pricing influences corporate behavior. It finds that while many firms implement energy-saving measures and process innovation, product innovation is more strongly driven by the expected stringency of emissions caps. The research highlights a 'trading threshold' where firms with small excess allowances avoid the market and suggests that generous free allocation of allowances may hinder innovation by reducing the signaling effect of tight carbon budgets to senior management.

The document outlines four decades of activism by Friends of the Earth International, highlighting specific successes in banning commercial whaling in Spain, prohibiting open-pit mining in Costa Rica, and establishing the first climate change law in the UK. It details diverse campaigns against coal power in Germany, oil pollution in Nigeria, and genetically modified organisms in Europe, while emphasizing the role of grassroots mobilization and legal action in achieving environmental protections and human rights.

This report highlights the achievements of Friends of the Earth International (FoEI) over four decades, detailing specific campaigns against extractive industries, pollution, and unsustainable development. It documents legal victories, such as the ban on open-pit mining in Costa Rica and the recognition of water as a human right in Uruguay, as well as grassroots successes in reforestation in Belgium and the protection of eucalyptus forests in Australia. The text emphasizes the role of international solidarity and legal action in challenging neoliberal globalization and protecting the rights of indigenous peoples and local communities.

The report documents various environmental and social justice campaigns led by Friends of the Earth (FoE) member groups across the globe. Key achievements include the 2008 UK Climate Change Act, a ban on open-pit metal mining in Costa Rica (2010), and the cessation of commercial whaling in Spain (1985). The document also details ongoing resistance against coal-fired power plants in Germany and Scotland, gas flaring in Nigeria, and the impact of large-scale dams in Mozambique, South Korea, and the Philippines. It emphasizes a strategy of combining grassroots mobilization, legal challenges, and international solidarity to combat corporate globalization and protect indigenous and community rights.

The report analyzes the disconnect between farm-level 'means-based' indicators (which measure compliance with practices) and higher-scale 'impact' indicators (which measure ecosystem health). It argues that the current proliferation of uncoordinated metric initiatives leads to information overload and a lack of comparability. The authors advocate for a 'key impact approach'—focusing on a small set of strategic indicators—and the use of conceptual frameworks like DPSIR to bridge the gap between individual farm activities and landscape or national outcomes. Key recommendations include standardizing terminology, developing open data platforms, and adopting an evolutionary, stepwise approach to measurement.