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The document analyzes the 'vertical' healthcare approach favored by Western nations—which targets specific diseases—versus the 'horizontal' approach traditionally used by China, which focuses on infrastructure and integrated systems. While both provided short-term emergency aid during the Ebola crisis, the author argues that China's long-term strategy of building healthcare infrastructure is more sustainable for African states. The brief suggests that an ideal response combines both systems and calls for increased cooperation between China and the West, alongside regular UN Security Council meetings on public health, to strengthen global health security.

The document analyzes Côte d’Ivoire's efforts to relaunch its regional diplomacy under President Alassane Ouattara following two decades of instability. It highlights the country's economic strength as a primary asset and its goal to become an emerging economy by 2020. Key challenges include the need for security sector reform, national reconciliation, and the professionalization of its diplomatic corps to better align with the integration goals of ECOWAS and UEMOA.

The document assesses South Africa's role as an emerging global actor in peace and security, specifically its interactions with the UN peacebuilding architecture (PBC, PBSO, and PBF). It highlights South Africa's experience in mediation and peacekeeping in countries like the DRC and Burundi, while noting a lack of systematic staffing of South Africans in the UN system. The paper emphasizes the potential of South-South cooperation, exemplified by the IBSA Fund, and recommends that South Africa leverage the 2015 UN peacebuilding review to promote African perspectives and national ownership of peace processes.

The paper examines the impact of Chinese resources-for-infrastructure (R4I) swaps on the 'resource curse' in Africa, specifically analyzing mechanisms like price volatility, Dutch disease, rent-seeking, and political conflict. Through case studies of countries such as Angola, the DRC, and Ghana, the author finds that R4I swaps are neither inherently harmful nor a panacea; their developmental impact depends on the capacity of host government institutions to manage risks and opportunities.

The document examines the tension between economic growth driven by extractive industries in the SADC region and the resulting social and environmental harms. It argues that because a shift away from extractive-dependent growth is unlikely to happen immediately, the effective management of this sector is the primary lever for achieving a transition toward inclusive green growth that benefits rural poor populations.

The document evaluates the African Union's (AU) efforts to promote democracy through electoral perspectives, arguing that while AU declarations have positively influenced the electoral landscape, elections often remain 'democratic liabilities' rather than assets. It identifies key setbacks including the resurgence of military coups, tenure elongation (the 'third term agenda'), and the refusal of incumbents to concede power. The author critiques AU election monitoring for being undermined by poor field coverage, a short-term focus on election-day events, and a tendency to be less critical of incumbents seeking re-election. The paper concludes that AU reports lack legal force and often conflict with domestic observer findings, necessitating a shift toward long-term monitoring and stronger collaboration with local civil society.

The document examines the governance of African fisheries, highlighting the tension between wealth generation and the 'welfare function' of small-scale fisheries. It identifies illegal, unregulated, and unreported (IUU) fishing as a major threat, particularly in West Africa, and discusses the transition from centralised governance to co-management systems. While progress is noted in the use of satellite tracking and regional cooperation to combat industrial overfishing, the document emphasizes the need for sustainable, independent co-management structures to protect livelihoods and ecosystems.

The document examines Brazil's shift from traditional state-led foreign policy to a 'public policy' approach, characterized by a plurality of actors including domestic ministries and subnational entities. It details Brazil's South–South co-operation (SSC) strategies, which emphasize horizontal relationships and solidarity over traditional donor-recipient models. The analysis highlights the strategic importance of Africa, noting significant growth in trade, technical co-operation through the Brazilian Cooperation Agency (ABC), and the role of state-owned enterprises like Vale and Petrobras. It argues that these strategies are part of Brazil's broader pursuit of political autonomy and global power status through coalitions like BRICS and IBSA.

The Simandou Mountain Range in Guinea contains a major 'tier-one' iron ore deposit, but production has been delayed by legal disputes and infrastructure gaps. The document details a contentious history of mining rights involving Rio Tinto and Beny Steinmetz Group Resources (BSGR), including an FBI probe into alleged bribery. It argues that building a new 700 km railway to Conakry is prohibitively expensive and suggests instead refurbishing the 350 km Lamco rail link through Liberia to Buchanan to accelerate production and foster regional economic integration.

The document identifies three primary pressure points affecting South Africa's mining outlook: a negative macroeconomic environment characterized by currency volatility and regulatory uncertainty, structural gaps in infrastructure and skills, and the need to better leverage existing strengths such as reserve size and financial services. It warns that internal instability and global headwinds, including slowing demand from China, are eroding South Africa's competitive edge relative to other sub-Saharan African nations and mature mining jurisdictions.

The document analyzes state fragility in Africa as a self-reinforcing syndrome driven by poor governance, conflict, inequality, and poverty. Using the International Futures system, it forecasts that while 16 of the 26 identified fragile countries may transition toward resilience by 2050, ten are at risk of remaining in a 'fragility trap'. The authors emphasize that while Africa's overall economy is projected to grow significantly, the gap in extreme poverty between fragile and resilient states is expected to widen unless inclusive growth and improved governance are achieved.

The briefing analyzes violent clashes between the Konianké and Guerzé communities in Guinea's Forest Region, which resulted in at least 100 deaths in July 2013. It attributes the conflict to disputes over land and citizenship, exacerbated by historical political manipulation, religious differences, and the proliferation of weapons from neighboring conflicts in Sierra Leone, Liberia, and Côte d’Ivoire. The author argues that these tensions could influence Guinea's national electoral politics and recommends independent judicial processes and local peacebuilding initiatives to mitigate future violence.

The document examines Russia's strategic return to Africa after a period of decline in the 1990s. It details the transition from Soviet-era ideological support to a modern, pragmatic approach focused on natural resources, arms trade, and diplomatic influence. The analysis highlights the role of the BRICS framework, particularly South Africa's membership, as a catalyst for renewed engagement. While Russia has established diplomatic ties with all African nations and increased investments in mining and energy, the paper notes a gap between high-level agreements and practical implementation, as well as a continued disparity in attention between North Africa and sub-Saharan Africa.

The policy brief highlights that mangroves are among the world's most threatened vegetation types, with over 20% lost in the last 30 years. It emphasizes that in Africa, mangroves often overlap with fossil fuel deposits and infrastructure projects, leading to degradation. The author advocates for the use of ecosystem valuations, integrated coastal zone management, and the inclusion of local communities in decision-making to reconcile economic growth with biodiversity conservation. Proposed interventions include the adoption of 'no net loss' policies, the use of Strategic Environmental Assessments (SEAs), and the implementation of Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) and Blue Carbon trading to provide financial incentives for conservation.

The report examines the 'land question' in Ghana, identifying a weak institutional base and the political manipulation of land as primary drivers of insecurity. It details how these issues lead to violent disputes, the rise of 'land guards', and economic instability. The document also addresses the impact of large-scale land grabbing by foreign corporations and the systemic marginalization of women and the poor in land access. It concludes that these problems are mirrored across other ECOWAS member states and calls for regional policy leadership and greater accountability for traditional chiefs.

The research paper analyzes Senegal's strategic relationship with Guinea-Bissau from 2000 to 2012. It argues that under President Abdoulaye Wade, Senegal exercised a policy of patronage and influence over its smaller neighbor to secure military cooperation against the Mouvement des forces démocratiques de Casamance (MFDC). This influence was built on Senegal's relative economic power, diplomatic networks, and direct financial support to Guinean leaders and military officials. However, the document notes a decline in Senegalese influence after 2009 due to the deaths of key allies and the emergence of Angola as a primary diplomatic and financial partner for Guinea-Bissau.

The statement analyzes South Africa's role in the BRICS forum and its aspirations for global governance reform, while cautioning that domestic instability and military setbacks in the Central African Republic may undermine its international prestige and leadership in Africa.

The document analyzes the evolution of China's strategies to secure mineral resources in Africa, moving from a primary reliance on 'infrastructure-for-resources' loans to a more diversified approach emphasizing mergers and acquisitions (M&A). While infrastructure-for-resources deals have been effective in locking in long-term supply, they have often failed to secure hard equity assets due to project delays and political instability. In contrast, the 2008-09 global financial crisis enabled Chinese state-owned enterprises (SOEs) to use their high liquidity to acquire significant mining and oil assets through M&As, particularly in the mining sector. The author concludes that while the Chinese state remains a critical financier, the strategy has shifted toward more market-oriented, direct acquisitions to reduce reliance on foreign suppliers and gain control over commodity prices.

The document analyzes Senegal's use of patronage, economic influence, and military cooperation to exercise power over Guinea-Bissau from 2000 to 2012. It highlights how Senegal leveraged Guinea-Bissau's instability to secure military support against Casamance separatists, while noting the eventual decline of this influence due to the rise of Angolan involvement and internal Senegalese political shifts.

The report identifies a 'syndrome of fragility' in Africa driven by the interaction of poor governance, conflict, inequality, and poverty. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, it forecasts that while 16 of the 26 identified 'more fragile' states could transition toward resilience by 2050, ten countries—including the DRC, Somalia, and South Sudan—are at risk of remaining in a fragility trap. The analysis warns that climate change and democratic deficits could exacerbate these risks, and recommends long-term national development plans, extractive sector reform, and direct cash transfers to the poor to pivot toward a more optimistic future.