Search Climate Insights Directory

The report examines Energy Communities (ECs) in the EU, highlighting their role in democratising energy and achieving climate goals. It distinguishes between Citizen Energy Communities (CECs) and Renewable Energy Communities (RECs), noting that as of 2022, over 9,000 ECs were operational in the EU. The document details the climate, economic, and social benefits of these models, such as reduced energy poverty and increased grid resilience. Through case studies of Germany, Denmark, Latvia, and Greece, it illustrates how national legislation and financial incentives—like feed-in tariffs and grants—drive adoption. The report concludes that while the EU is a leader in these models, non-EU nations should consider similar legal recognitions to support a just energy transition.

In 2023, Türkiye became Europe's second-largest coal-fired electricity generator, producing a record 118 TWh, with coal's share of total generation rising to 36%. This trend was driven by imported coal, primarily from Russia, which accounted for 73% of imports and 22% of total electricity generation. While solar capacity grew to over 12 GW, wind installations hit a 13-year low of 411 MW. The report notes that Türkiye's trajectory diverges from the EU, where coal generation halved since 2016. Despite a 2053 net-zero target, the National Energy Plan still forecasts new coal and gas capacity by 2035, and the report argues that rooftop solar potential (120 GW) remains underutilised.

The report analyzes the energy strategy of the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) countries, finding that planned LNG and pipeline capacity will significantly exceed projected gas demand by 2030. It warns that this creates a risk of stranded assets and security vulnerabilities due to global price volatility. The author advocates for shifting investment from gas infrastructure to wind, solar, and grid interconnectors, noting that 3SI countries could reach a 67% renewable electricity share by 2030.

The Europe Gas Tracker Report 2024 finds that Europe is continuing a massive gas infrastructure buildout despite emerging from its energy crisis and seeing a decline in gas demand. With €84.1 billion in planned LNG terminals and pipelines, the report argues that the region is creating significant overcapacity and risking stranded assets. It further warns that these projects could increase annual emissions by up to 1.1 gigatonnes CO2e, undermining the EU's 'Fit for 55' goals. Additionally, the report characterizes the proposed 35,000 km hydrogen pipeline network as a 'red herring' that may serve to lock in methane gas infrastructure due to technical incompatibilities and the lack of green hydrogen production.

The statement by Friends of the Earth International criticizes the proposed EU-Mercosur trade agreement, highlighting its potential to accelerate deforestation and climate change while undermining small-scale farmers in both Europe and Latin America. It calls for a shift toward a people-centered trade model that prioritizes social rights and environmental sustainability over corporate profit, especially in light of the rise of climate-denying leadership in Argentina.

Friends of the Earth International opposes the EU-Mercosur trade agreement, asserting that it would accelerate deforestation and climate change while undermining small-scale farmers in Europe and Latin America. The statement highlights protests from European farmers and social movements in Latin America, and warns that the current administration in Argentina, led by climate-denier Javier Milei, further invalidates the agreement's sustainability claims. It calls for a shift in international trade policy toward a model centered on people's sovereignty, food security, and environmental protection.

Bulgaria is at a pivotal energy transition point as coal's share of electricity generation fell below 30% in 2023. While solar power has grown rapidly, wind energy has stagnated since 2012. The report highlights a technical offshore wind potential of 4.3-5 GW in the maritime exclusive economic zone near Romania, which could lower wholesale power prices by 45% by 2030 if combined with increased onshore wind and better interconnections. To achieve this, the report recommends the swift adoption of a new offshore wind law, the implementation of Contracts-for-Difference (CfDs), and the update of the National Energy and Climate Plan with explicit 2030 targets.

The author contends that current climate policies are failing because they lack redistributive measures and ignore carbon inequalities, which in turn fuels right-wing populism. The text proposes a 'third way' based on post-growth economics and a 'green-red alliance' that integrates social justice with environmental goals. A central practical solution highlighted is the promotion of energy communities—non-profit entities that democratize energy production and provide affordable, clean energy to vulnerable households. The document calls for a radical acceleration of emission reductions, aiming for carbon neutrality by the mid-2030s and a negative carbon balance by the 2040s, funded by taxing high polluters and redirecting fossil fuel subsidies.

In 2023, EU fossil fuel generation fell to less than a third of the electricity mix (33%) for the first time, driven by a record 26% drop in coal generation. Wind and solar combined for 27% of EU electricity, with wind surpassing gas power for the first time. While solar capacity grew by 56 GW, wind generation growth remains inconsistent and below the 15% annual increase needed for REPowerEU targets. EU electricity demand fell by 3.4% in 2023 to its lowest level since 2001, though a rise of 2-3% is projected for 2024. To support this transition, the EU requires significant grid investments—estimated at €584 billion by 2030—and an increase in storage capacity to 200 GW by 2030 to manage variable renewable energy and reduce curtailment.

The document argues that carbon capture and storage (CCS) is essential for Europe to reach net-zero emissions by 2050, particularly for hard-to-abate industrial sectors like cement and steel. It details the technical processes of capture and geological storage, asserts that leakage risks are extremely low, and outlines current project developments in the North Sea region and across the EU. The text also addresses the economic viability of CCS, noting that while costs vary by industry, the technology is often the lowest-cost path for specific industrial decarbonisation and carbon dioxide removal (CDR).

The document argues that large-scale deployment of CCS is essential for Europe to reach climate neutrality by 2050, yet current draft NECPs show significant gaps in targets and planning. It provides a framework for Member States to assess storage capacity, map projects, engage stakeholders, and establish financing and regional cooperation for CO2 transport and storage networks.

The document argues that clean hydrogen should be treated as a 'precious molecule' and prioritised for 'no regrets' hard-to-abate industrial sectors rather than being deployed indiscriminately. It recommends that EU Member States move beyond a sole focus on renewable ('green') hydrogen to include other low-carbon pathways, such as nuclear ('pink') and natural gas with carbon capture ('blue'), to avoid resource constraints. The guide emphasises locating production close to end-users to minimise transport inefficiencies and suggests that hydrogen in transport be limited to heavy-duty trucking, aviation, and shipping, while light-duty vehicles should prioritise electrification. Finally, it advises leveraging EU and national support mechanisms to fund 'champion' projects across the entire value chain.

The document argues that superhot rock (SHR) energy—a subset of Engineered Geothermal Systems that accesses rock temperatures exceeding 400°C—could provide a zero-carbon, firm, and energy-dense power source available globally. It notes a significant gap in current EU planning, where only one country (Italy) mentions SHR in its draft NECP, despite 20 countries planning for geothermal energy. The guide recommends that Member States fund pilot demonstrations, map national SHR resources, contribute to a centralised EU geothermal data repository, develop national geothermal strategies, and create stakeholder collaboration platforms. It highlights that SHR systems can potentially produce up to ten times the energy of conventional geothermal wells and could support the production of clean hydrogen.

The guide examines the legal frameworks for air quality in Turkey and the EU, analyzing the intersection of environmental law and human rights. It details the obligations of states to maintain air quality limit values, the requirements for air quality plans, and the regulation of industrial emissions. The document highlights the role of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) and the Turkish Constitutional Court in protecting the right to a healthy environment and discusses the process of aligning Turkish legislation with the EU Industrial Emissions Directive (IED).

The Augures! project uses an integrated modelling framework—combining seasonal forecasts, crop models, and economic models—to help European farmers and policymakers manage climate risks. A 2024 stakeholder workshop in Athens highlighted the need for context-specific, transparent, and actionable climate data to address structural vulnerabilities in the EU agricultural sector, particularly for small-scale farmers. The project aims to expand its analysis of maize and wheat to Greece, France, Romania, and Hungary in 2025, while developing a 'project-to-product' roadmap to transform scientific outputs into a user-friendly decision-support service.

The Republic of Cyprus joined the EU on 1 May 2004 and the eurozone on 1 January 2008. Unlike other 2004 enlargement states, its primary motivations were national security and gaining leverage to resolve the Cyprus dispute rather than economic development. While the political goal of resolving the island's division remains unfulfilled, membership provided critical financial stability during the 2012-2013 sovereign debt crisis via the European Stability Mechanism. The authors argue that Cyprus's 'partial' model of integration, where the EU acquis is suspended in areas without government control, serves as a potential blueprint for future EU enlargements involving divided territories.

The report argues that the 'Cyprus problem' negatively impacts the environment by preventing the collection of island-wide data, isolating the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus (TRNC) from international oversight and funding, and causing political considerations to overshadow urgent ecological needs. While the UN-controlled buffer zone has inadvertently preserved some endemic species, the author warns that this 'green zone by default' is increasingly threatened by illegal dumping and development. The report recommends utilizing bicommunal Technical Committees and UNDP support to create shared environmental datasets and coordinated strategies for water scarcity and wildfire management.

The author contends that current climate policies often fail because they do not address carbon inequalities or provide immediate economic relief, making them vulnerable to far-right populist rhetoric. The text proposes a 'post-growth' approach that prioritizes human well-being over profit and advocates for a 'militant' green-red alliance. A central practical solution highlighted is the use of energy communities—not-for-profit entities that allow citizens and municipalities to co-own renewable energy projects—to democratize energy production and reduce costs for vulnerable households. The author calls for the redirection of fossil fuel subsidies toward clean heating and the implementation of structural investments in deep renovations and electric mobility to prevent regressive social effects from policies like the expanded Emissions Trading System.

Bavaria currently has 2.6 GW of installed wind capacity, but the report finds that reducing the minimum distance between turbines and residences to 800 metres could increase this capacity nearly sixfold to 15 GW. Such an expansion would generate 22 TWh of electricity, accounting for 22% of Germany's onshore wind power and allowing Bavaria to reduce its annual gas consumption by 27%. The report highlights that the current '10H rule'—requiring a distance ten times the turbine's height—has stalled project permitting, and suggests that adopting more flexible distance rules, similar to those recently implemented in Poland, would enhance energy sovereignty and save billions in gas costs.

The analysis by Ember and Initiative Klimaneutrales Deutschland finds that Bavaria's wind energy capacity could be significantly increased by relaxing the '10H' distance rule. Reducing the minimum distance to 800 meters could increase capacity to 15 GW, allowing the state to replace 14 TWh of gas-based electricity generation and reduce annual gas consumption by 28 TWh, potentially saving between 1.3 billion and 3.4 billion euros annually.