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The brief submitted by CIEL and Greenpeace International asserts that anthropogenic greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions constitute marine pollution under UNCLOS. It argues that States have a legal duty to prevent, reduce, and control these emissions to protect and preserve the marine environment, specifically by limiting warming to 1.5°C. The authors contend that this duty requires an immediate halt to new fossil fuel projects, a transition to non-fossil fuel power by mid-century, and the implementation of adaptation measures. The brief emphasizes that ITLOS should interpret UNCLOS harmoniously with international human rights law and the best available science, applying principles such as the precautionary principle, intergenerational equity, and common but differentiated responsibilities and respective capabilities (CBDRRC-NC).

The document critiques the upcoming Summit for a New Global Financing Pact in Paris, highlighting the failure of Northern governments to meet the 100 billion dollar annual climate finance promise. It advocates for 'polluter-pays' taxes on shipping, aviation, and fossil fuel companies, and calls for a cessation of private financial services for fossil fuel expansion in the Global South.

The document critiques the upcoming Summit for a New Global Financial Pact, arguing that current climate finance is woefully inadequate and often delivered as debt-increasing loans. It advocates for 'polluter pays' taxes on shipping, aviation, and fossil fuel companies, and calls for a 'climate version of the Hippocratic Oath' for private investors to stop financing fossil fuels in the Global South while attempting to fund the energy transition.

The policy brief highlights a gap between current European electricity interconnection expansion plans and the actual needs of the power system. It asserts that doubling interconnection capacity is essential to integrate renewables cost-effectively and reduce reliance on fossil gas. The author identifies critical border corridors requiring urgent attention and proposes three pathways forward: accelerating the 22 GW of projects already in the pipeline, investing in non-wire solutions like storage and demand response, or increasing domestic renewable capacities at a higher cost.

The author argues that the EU's new Pact on Migration and Asylum represents a victory for immigration hardliners by expanding border procedures and reducing protection standards. The deal maintains the problematic Dublin rules and introduces a 'flexible' solidarity mechanism that allows member states to avoid relocating asylum seekers through financial contributions. The author contends that the pact increases the risk of detention and pushbacks at external borders, particularly impacting Mediterranean countries and refugees, while potentially benefiting smugglers.

NGOs have condemned the treatment of community representatives and activists at French bank annual general meetings, reporting that speakers—including those testifying on the impacts of oil and gas projects—faced booing, racist comments, and poor treatment by security, particularly at the BNP Paribas meeting on 16 May 2023.

A group of NGOs, including Urgewald and Oxfam France, denounced the hostile environment at French banks' annual general meetings, where community representatives testifying on the impacts of oil and gas projects faced booing, racist comments, and security misconduct. The statement specifically highlights the BNP Paribas meeting on May 16, 2023, and calls for the bank's management to ensure respectful debate and issue apologies to the affected representatives.

Reclaim Finance reports on the 2023 annual general meetings of six French financial actors, noting a generally hostile reception but highlighting specific outcomes. While Crédit Agricole acknowledged the need to stop increasing fossil fuel capacities to limit warming to 1.5°C, and SCOR committed to stop covering risks for new gas fields, BNP Paribas refused to set 'red lines' for its financing of oil and gas majors. AXA remains the last major European (re)insurer supporting new gas fields, defending the practice via the European taxonomy.

Japan possesses vast offshore wind resources, with a technical potential exceeding 9,000 TWh/year, far surpassing its projected 2050 electricity demand. While current deployment is low, the government has set targets of 10 GW by 2030 and 45 GW by 2040. The document highlights that floating offshore wind is critical for Japan due to its deep coastal waters and could position the country as a global industry leader. Economic benefits include reduced dependency on imported fossil fuels, with a 30 GW target by 2030 potentially avoiding USD 27.8 billion in gas costs at 2022 prices. However, achieving these targets is hindered by lengthy environmental permitting processes and a fragmented electricity grid divided by different technical standards (50 Hz and 60 Hz).

The policy brief identifies a 'policy coherence gap' in the global green transition, where structural, long-term policies are being crowded out by unilateral industrial measures and short-term stimuli. It proposes that the G20 adopt a shared agenda to define and prioritize structural green reforms—such as natural capital investment and fossil fuel subsidy reform—to unlock concessionary financing and private investment for low-income and indebted countries. The authors present four options for G20 action, ranging from the status quo to a high-ambition multilateral framework that integrates debt-swap approaches and special drawing rights to facilitate a just transition.

The document argues that current economic systems are failing and that large-scale economic reform requires broad public support, which can be generated through participatory mechanisms. It defines a 'social contract' as an agreement between state and society on rights, responsibilities, and resource distribution, suggesting that a new 'eco-social contract' is needed to prioritize the planet and people over profit. The briefing details various innovative mechanisms for citizen engagement—such as citizen assemblies, participatory budgeting, and just transition processes—and identifies five key tools best suited for driving economic reform. It emphasizes the need to expand these mechanisms to the Global South and frontline communities to restore trust and create a 'social mandate' for a just and sustainable transition.

The document analyzes how governments in Norway, France, and the UK moved beyond legal enforcement to motivate citizens during COVID-19 lockdowns. It identifies three evolving strategies: using national narratives to legitimize responses, managing public expectations through data and trust to 'lock in' policies, and eventually differentiating duties based on political preferences. The authors argue that civic duties are co-determined by states and citizens, warning that a shift toward differentiated duties could allow privileged groups to avoid the costs of public obligations.

The report finds that while more countries mention fossil fuel production in their climate plans over time, most references relate to continued or increased production rather than a managed phase-out. Only a small number of countries have set specific targets or policies to wind down production, and many lack detailed plans for economic diversification or just transitions for workers.

Reclaim Finance argues that the proposed ISR label framework lacks sufficient guarantees for investors and requires stronger sectoral exclusions, particularly for unconventional fossil fuels and coal. The organization calls for the label to mandate alignment with a 1.5°C warming scenario, the use of specific scientific benchmarks for transition plans, and increased transparency in shareholder engagement and voting policies.

Reclaim Finance critiques the current proposal of the Corporate Sustainability Due Diligence Directive (CSDDD), arguing that it contains loopholes that could exempt financial institutions from accountability. The author specifically highlights the need for a broader definition of 'value chain' to include all financial services and more rigorous, science-based requirements for climate transition plans under Article 15.

The study finds that in eight of the nine researched EU Member States, there are no instances of NGOs bringing actions against State aid measures. It highlights a systemic lack of standing for non-competitors, limited transparency regarding aid schemes, and inconsistent public consultation practices, which collectively hinder the enforcement of EU environmental law in State aid matters.

The Clean Air Task Force asserts that while the Net Zero Industry Act (NZIA) strengthens the EU's manufacturing capabilities for net-zero technologies, the slow pace of infrastructure deployment—such as power lines and pipelines—could become a "fatal bottleneck." The authors propose three primary adaptations of NZIA policies for infrastructure: integrating clean energy infrastructure into spatial planning and mapping, implementing upper limits on permitting timelines for non-renewable net-zero technologies like advanced nuclear, and establishing "one-stop shop" administrative agencies to streamline permitting processes, citing Denmark as a potential model.

Japan has the lowest share of clean electricity among G7 nations, with wind generating less than 1% of its power in 2022. While the 6th Strategic Energy Plan targets 59% clean power by 2030, it only allocates 5.7 GW to offshore wind, representing just 4% of the collective G7 target of 150 GW. Alternative pathways from Berkeley Lab and the Renewable Energy Institute suggest that leveraging Japan's theoretical offshore wind potential of 392 GW could enable the country to reach 80% to 90% decarbonised electricity by 2035.

Algeria has achieved universal primary education and high STEM enrolment, but faces significant challenges with secondary school completion rates, educational quality, and a mismatch between graduate skills and labour market demands.

BNP Paribas has announced new restrictions on financing new oil and gas fields and floating production storage and offloading (FPSO) units, as well as a commitment to stop financing companies specialized in oil production. However, Reclaim Finance argues these measures are inadequate because they do not cover liquefied natural gas (LNG) terminals or corporate bonds, and they allow the bank to continue providing general financial services to major integrated oil and gas companies. Since 2016, BNP Paribas has provided over $45 billion to nine major European and US oil and gas firms, representing 27% of its total sector financing.