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The African Climate Foundation (ACF) advocates for COP28 to deliver measurable progress for Africa across the Global Stocktake, adaptation, and finance. The ACF emphasizes that emission reduction targets must be paired with climate finance reforms and the preservation of policy space for African development. Key priorities include a robust Global Goal on Adaptation (GGA) with quantified targets, the operationalization of a fit-for-purpose Loss and Damage Fund, and the reform of the global financial system to provide affordable finance and debt restructuring. The ACF also warns against unilateral trade measures, such as the EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism, which it argues threaten Africa's sustainable development goals.

The document outlines the primary objectives of COP28, including the first 'global stocktake' and negotiations on loss and damage funding. It highlights controversies surrounding the presidency of Sultan Ahmed Al Jaber and provides frameworks for reporting on climate justice, the 1.5 degrees C target, and the transition away from fossil fuels.

The report highlights a significant gap between government rhetoric and action regarding fossil fuel subsidies, noting that world governments provided a record USD 1.3 trillion in such subsidies in 2022. It critiques current UNFCCC commitments for lacking deadlines and clear definitions of "inefficient" subsidies. The authors propose several pathways for action at COP 28 and beyond, including the adoption of a 'cover decision', integrating subsidy reform into the first global stocktake, and requiring more ambitious, time-bound commitments in updated Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs). The document also suggests leveraging climate finance discussions, such as the 'net climate finance' concept and the new collective quantified goal (NCQG), to address public financial flows to fossil fuels.

The Stockholm Environment Institute (SEI) collaborated with the Estonian government to create the country's first unified carbon footprint calculation methodology and emissions factor database. This tool allows public and private sector organizations to assess their environmental impact on a consistent basis, helping to avoid greenwashing and support EU environmental policy. Initial implementation in the Ministry of Defence and Ministry of Interior has led to measurable reductions in carbon emissions, waste, and water consumption, with the Estonian government aiming to expand these assessments across all ministries.

The European Union lacks the preparation to manage cascading climate risks, where hazards in remote locations create knock-on effects that impact European societies and economies. The report emphasizes that with accelerating climate hazards over the next 10 to 15 years and insufficient adaptation, these impacts are inevitable. It proposes 21 strategic recommendations to move from individual understanding to systemic transformation, urging the EU to adopt a proactive rather than reactive approach to risk and resilience thinking.

The document outlines how to make school catering procurement more sustainable in Estonia, aligning with European Commission guidelines and the 'Farm to Fork' strategy. It provides specific technical descriptions and evaluation criteria across several key areas: organic food, low-climate-impact sourcing (short supply chains and seasonal produce), plant-based diets, waste reduction, eco-friendly cleaning supplies, energy and water efficiency, and food education. For each area, it suggests how to set minimum requirements in technical specifications and how to award additional points during the bid evaluation process to incentivize higher environmental standards.

The briefing highlights the lack of a widely agreed-upon definition for 'unabated fossil fuels' despite the term's centrality in G7, G20, and UN climate negotiations. It warns that ambiguous definitions may allow for low carbon capture rates and the exclusion of upstream emissions, potentially stalling climate progress. The author proposes a science-based definition requiring near-total carbon capture (90-95%), permanent geological storage, near-total elimination of upstream and transport emissions, and rigorous third-party verification.

The report distinguishes between biodiversity offsetting, which aims for 'no net loss' to compensate for development impacts, and biodiversity credits (biocredits), which are voluntary investments in conservation. It argues that offsetting is often ineffective because biodiversity losses are difficult to quantify and ecosystems are not interchangeable. While biocredits are presented as a more positive investment, the report warns they may facilitate greenwashing or prioritize profitability over ecology. It highlights the role of the Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework and the promotion of 'nature markets' by the UK, France, Australia, and the EU, while suggesting alternatives like target-based ecological compensation or centralized private sector funds.

The paper argues that low-carbon hydrogen should be reserved for 'no-regrets' industrial applications—such as refining, ammonia, methanol, and steel production—rather than residential heating or light-duty vehicles, due to high energy costs and physical transport challenges.

This document describes the data collection methodology and definitions used by Ember to track national ambitions for renewable energy deployment in the power sector across 57 countries and the European Union, focusing on targets for 2030.

The report finds that while current national targets collectively aim for a doubling of renewable capacity by 2030, they often underestimate the actual pace of deployment. A global tripling to 11,000 GW is considered achievable if governments update targets to reflect recent growth and maintain a 17% annual increase in additions. The analysis identifies specific countries with high potential to increase ambition, such as Australia, Japan, South Korea, and the UAE, while noting that others like India and Saudi Arabia already have targets that aim for a tripling of their 2022 capacity.

The document highlights a critical gap in climate finance, noting that while developing countries may need between $6 trillion and $9 trillion per year to meet their Nationally Determined Contributions, current funding is insufficient and traditional sources are nearly depleted. It identifies 'cracks' in the transatlantic alliance, citing US domestic political opposition to climate pledges, UK economic downturns, and EU internal divisions. The author recommends that leaders use COP28 and the Global Stocktake to reform multilateral development banks, link climate action to global security and food systems, and resolve disputes between the US and Europe to maintain global leadership in the green transition.

The EU-Iran relationship has deteriorated following the US withdrawal from the JCPOA in 2018 and recent regional conflicts. Iran has responded by breaching nuclear limits and forging strategic alliances with Russia and China, including joining the SCO and BRICS. The author suggests the EU shift toward incentives and new areas of collaboration, such as climate cooperation and the Paris Agreement, to maintain influence and prevent a regional nuclear arms race.

The document argues that the Mozambique LNG project is disastrous, citing fatal human rights failures during the 2021 Palma attack, the displacement of hundreds of families without adequate compensation, and the continued instability in Cabo Delgado. It claims the project offers little economic benefit to Mozambique, utilizes tax avoidance schemes, and threatens local biodiversity and global climate goals by producing billions of tonnes of CO2 equivalent over its lifecycle. The authors call on financing banks and agencies to conduct an independent reassessment and cease support for this and other planned gas projects in Mozambique.

The 2023 update finds that while current policies for 25 major economies may result in 2030 emissions between -6% and +8% compared to 2019 levels, this falls short of the 43% reduction aligned with the Paris Agreement. While 13 countries are now on track to meet their NDC targets, 12 countries still face an implementation gap.

The report finds that while some progress has been made since 2015, the EU and UK failed to meet the 2020 deadline to end overfishing. One quarter of assessed TACs for 2023 still exceeded scientific advice, with particularly poor compliance for bycatch stocks and data-limited stocks. The report highlights a lack of transparency in negotiations and notes that while the UK has shown progress in ecosystem-based management for forage fish, it has also pushed for unsustainable bycatch TACs and increased inter-area flexibility in the West of Scotland.

A coalition of NGOs and activists is calling for the appointment of a climate-conscious Governor of the National Bank of Belgium (BNB) to replace Pierre Wunsch. The signatories argue that Wunsch has blocked ambitious climate measures within the European Central Bank (ECB), specifically opposing the introduction of climate criteria for asset purchases and failing to support lower interest rates for energy-efficient building renovations. They contend that the argument of ECB 'neutrality' is invalid given the bank's past interventions in financial crises and its own admission that 'neutral' asset purchases can exacerbate pollution and global warming.

The Stockholm Environment Institute warns that the EU Critical Raw Materials Act may exacerbate human rights breaches and 'green colonialism' in the Sámi homeland. While welcoming the inclusion of the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples and FPIC in the draft, the authors argue these are insufficient due to gaps in national legislation in Sweden and Finland, the potential for weak certification schemes, and the lack of resources for Sámi communities to engage with fast-tracked licensing. They propose an EU-level oversight mechanism, stricter certification standards requiring FPIC, and a funding mechanism to support affected rights-holders.

Carbon Market Watch is calling for the European Commission to establish a dedicated carbon removals framework separate from emission reduction efforts. The organization argues that the current EU approach, which uses a net emissions reduction target, misleadingly suggests that emissions and removals are equivalent and may delay necessary deep emissions cuts. To address this, Carbon Market Watch is building a coalition to co-create an alternative policy architecture featuring separate, explicit targets for emissions reductions, land-sector carbon sequestration, and permanent removals.

The report forecasts a significant increase in Africa's energy demand due to population growth, projecting that it will overtake the EU27 by 2043. While Africa possesses vast oil, gas, and hydropower reserves, its current energy mix remains heavily reliant on fossil fuels, with 'other renewables' making up only 1.6% of production in 2023. The document highlights a trajectory where Africa will eventually become a major global source of carbon emissions from fossil fuels, overtaking the EU by 2034.