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The document asserts that based on the IEA's 2022 World Energy Outlook, there is no viable long-term scenario for the growth of fossil fuels, including natural gas. It argues that expanding long-lived infrastructure like liquefied natural gas (LNG) is a risky gamble for public funds, especially as Canada faces competition from lower-cost suppliers like the United States and Qatar. The author concludes that the only durable solution to the current energy and climate crises is a dramatic scaling up of clean energy and energy efficiency.

The document argues that the Paris financial center continues to support oil and gas expansion despite commitments to the 1.5°C goal. It systematically dismantles ten 'received ideas' used by banks, insurers, and asset managers to justify this support, citing IEA and IPCC data to show that no new fossil fuel projects are compatible with net-zero pathways. The briefing highlights that 'transition' claims by oil majors are often unsupported by investment data and that engagement without the threat of exclusion is ineffective.

The document provides an overview of COP27, the 27th United Nations conference on climate change, which brings together approximately 200 countries to discuss plans for reducing carbon emissions to limit global temperature rise to 1.5C. It identifies three overarching themes for the conference: emissions reductions, climate finance, and prioritising people through the lens of 'loss and damage'.

The report finds that new oil and gas developments in the North Sea could produce up to 984 megatonnes of CO2 equivalent, potentially causing the UK to exceed its 2023-2037 carbon budget by a factor of two. It argues that the development of the 21 largest undeveloped fields is incompatible with limiting warming to 1.5°C and that the government's Climate Compatibility Checkpoint system fails to account for all climate risks. Additionally, the report states that these developments would not lower energy prices for UK consumers.

The document argues that the EBRD should sign the Glasgow Statement by COP 27 and implement a robust fossil fuel exclusion policy during its upcoming energy strategy review. It estimates that the EBRD could shift EUR 741 million annually from fossil fuel finance toward a clean and just energy transition. The brief emphasizes that transitioning to clean energy and energy efficiency is the only sustainable solution to the energy crisis and insecurity caused by Russia's invasion of Ukraine.

The Clean Air Task Force calls for COP27 leadership to move beyond prescribed solution sets toward 'region-centric flexibility' and 'technology optionality'. It emphasizes that climate strategies must align with national interests and energy security, particularly for emerging economies, while advocating for the deployment of a broad range of carbon-free technologies including nuclear, hydrogen, and carbon capture and storage to address hard-to-abate sectors.

An analysis of global modelled pathways concludes that new oil and gas fields and new fossil import infrastructure in Europe are incompatible with limiting global warming to 1.5°C.

The September 2022 Nord Stream pipeline ruptures may represent the largest single methane emitting event ever recorded, with potential losses exceeding 500 kilotonnes of methane. While the exact amount entering the atmosphere is difficult to calculate due to cloud cover, ocean dissolution, and the speed of the event, the climate impact is significant. However, the briefing notes that the oil and gas industry's annual fugitive emissions, flaring, and venting total 82 million tonnes, meaning the industry emits an equivalent amount to the Nord Stream leaks every day. The author argues that up to 85% of these emissions could be cut using existing technology and targeted policy.

The report argues that global oil and gas production must drop by at least 65% by 2050 to align with 1.5°C scenarios, warning that new oil and gas fields would either prevent this goal or create stranded assets. It finds that planned investments for new fossil fuels through 2030 could instead fully fund the necessary wind and solar expansion. Additionally, the report concludes that Europe possesses sufficient gas import capacities to meet its 1.5°C-compatible demand from 2024 onwards without relying on Russian supply.

Australia could reduce its annual methane emissions by 18% by 2030 by focusing on coal mine methane (CMM) mitigation. The report argues that CMM is one of the cheapest and fastest sources of methane to mitigate, costing approximately $270 AUD per tonne of methane, which is four times cheaper than agricultural mitigation. Key recommendations include phasing out thermal coal mines by 2030, preventing new coal mine expansions, and implementing technical solutions like ventilation air methane (VAM) capture and extensive drainage. The report also warns that current reporting is likely underestimated, citing the IEA's estimate that 800 thousand tonnes of methane are missing from reported figures.

The document advocates for the European Commission to maintain and strengthen the Industrial Emissions Directive (IED) by targeting industrial farms with 150 or more Livestock Units (LSU). It argues that these farms, representing only 7.5% of EU livestock farms, are responsible for a disproportionate share of ammonia and methane emissions. The authors reject 'light' permitting systems and registration systems, calling for robust pollution prevention and animal welfare measures to meet the goals of the European Green Deal and the Global Methane Pledge.

The briefing posits that green hydrogen is transitioning from pilot projects to the creation of niche markets (Phase 3 of the S-curve), which will lead to mass-market adoption as costs fall. It highlights scaling production, expanding demand in heavy industry, and the role of policy support in driving this acceleration.

The author uses recent heatwaves and wildfires in Europe to illustrate how climate change exacerbates air pollution and health issues. The text details a feedback loop where petrochemical production leads to plastic pollution, which in turn releases methane and ethylene, harms soil carbon absorption, and disrupts marine food production. It concludes by highlighting the need for holistic legislation, citing the European Union's decarbonization strategy, a proposed UN global treaty on plastic waste, and updates to the Canadian Environmental Protection Act.

The document asserts that the global food crisis is driven by an industrial food system that prioritizes profit over human rights and the environment. It highlights how neoliberal policies, corporate concentration in agribusiness, and climate change have created fragility and hunger. The author calls for a radical transformation toward food sovereignty and agroecology to ensure the right to food and protect biodiversity.

The EU needs to mobilize €330 billion to €400 billion in private investment to bring 20 million tons of green hydrogen to market by 2030. However, two primary risks hinder this: market risk, where off-takers fear paying higher-than-market rates compared to fossil fuels, and first-mover risk, where early investors face high electrolyzer costs that may become uncompetitive as technology prices fall. RMI suggests that a cumulative investment of approximately €10 billion between 2024 and 2029 could offset market risk, while producers may need €3.5-5 billion per year in public support to keep early capacity competitive. By spending up to €15 billion to offset these risks by 2030, the EU could leverage significant private spending on renewables and electrolyzers.

The document explains that fall foliage is driven by temperature, sun exposure, and rainfall, all of which are being altered by climate change. While warming temperatures generally delay leaf fall, drought and heat stress can cause earlier shedding or duller colors. These shifts have economic implications for tourism and ecological implications for forest carbon sequestration.

Türkiye can reduce its reliance on imported fossil fuels for power generation from 50% in 2021 to less than 25% by 2030 by accelerating the deployment of solar and wind energy. Achieving this requires reaching 40 GW of solar and 30 GW of wind capacity by 2030, which would result in these sources providing 34-38% of total power generation. This transition is framed as a means to both achieve the 2053 net zero target and improve energy independence and trade balances.

WRI identifies six critical objectives for COP27: establishing a loss and damage financing mechanism, scaling adaptation support, strengthening national emissions targets (NDCs), ensuring the $100 billion climate finance goal is met, advancing the Global Stocktake, and converting previous Glasgow commitments into tangible actions.

The Canadian Climate Institute advocates for a mandatory emissions cap on the oil and gas sector, noting that emissions in this sector grew by nearly 20% between 2005 and 2019. The author argues that current policies are insufficient and that failure to act risks creating 'stranded' high-carbon assets that will increase costs for taxpayers. To be effective, the proposed cap must focus on absolute emission reductions rather than just emission intensity, limit the use of carbon offsets, and not replace the urgent need to reduce methane emissions. Additionally, the policy should utilize market-based instruments like carbon pricing to maintain competitiveness and prevent carbon leakage to other jurisdictions.

The Canadian Climate Institute and Net-Zero Advisory Body advocate for a federal emissions cap on the oil and gas sector, noting that emissions in this sector rose by nearly 20% between 2005 and 2019. They argue that a cap is necessary because current policies are insufficient and that failure to act risks 'locking-in' emissions through high-carbon projects. The authors propose three design priorities: ensuring absolute emissions reductions rather than just intensity improvements, maintaining a focus on low-cost methane reductions, and using market-based instruments to prevent emissions 'leakage' to other jurisdictions.