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The document argues that shifting to low-carbon technologies requires a comprehensive 'enabling environment' consisting of innovation capacity, human and institutional skills, regulatory frameworks, and finance. It proposes a capability-innovation framework to match international support mechanisms to a country's specific level of development and the maturity stage of the technology (R&D, demonstration, deployment, and diffusion). The authors suggest that Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) should serve as the primary vehicle for developing countries to define domestic needs, which can then be supported by tailored international mechanisms such as R&D cooperation, Global Technology Demonstration Funds, and technical assistance. The paper emphasizes that for these mechanisms to be effective, they must be coordinated with domestic policy and monitored through specific quantitative indicators to facilitate international learning and accountability.

Concentrated solar power (CSP) uses mirrors to focus sunlight to generate electricity, primarily for utility-scale use. While the U.S. led in installed capacity as of 2009 with 429 MW, Spain followed with 182 MW. The technology varies from parabolic troughs and linear Fresnel reflectors to dish/engines and power towers. CSP is noted for its ability to provide power during peak late-afternoon demand and its potential for baseload generation via thermal storage or natural gas hybridization. Economic challenges include high initial construction costs, though operational costs are lower than fossil fuel plants. Policy mechanisms like feed-in tariffs in Spain and Israel, and investment tax credits in the U.S., are identified as key drivers for deployment.

The report examines how broadly worded provisions in international investment agreements (IIAs) enable investors to bypass domestic courts and initiate international arbitration for contractual disputes. It analyzes trends in IIA drafting among prolific signatories, reviews conflicting arbitral jurisprudence on 'umbrella' and 'dispute resolution' clauses, and evaluates the effectiveness of 'fork-in-the-road' clauses in preventing forum-shopping. The author concludes that while many existing IIAs expose host states to risks of multiple proceedings and inconsistent decisions, newer models—such as the Canadian model BIT—provide more effective drafting practices to mitigate these risks.

The document analyzes the legal implications of defining 'investment' in international investment agreements (IIAs). It contrasts the traditional, broad asset-based definitions—often modeled on early German treaties—with more recent, precise approaches adopted by Canada, the U.S., ASEAN, and COMESA. The author highlights the tension between 'objective' and 'subjective' tests used by ICSID tribunals to determine jurisdiction, warning states that vague definitions can lead to unexpected arbitral rulings that exceed domestic legal understandings of foreign investment.

The document analyzes African perspectives on the proposed Arms Trade Treaty (ATT), which aims to establish universal standards for the legal trade of conventional weapons. While there is broad support across the continent, the paper identifies specific concerns regarding national sovereignty, the potential for the treaty to be used as a political tool, and the financial burden of implementation. It details the positions of South Africa, Kenya, Egypt, Algeria, and Nigeria, noting a tension between the desire for global standards and the protection of national arms industries and security rights. The author recommends that African states develop a more unified common position through the African Union to better influence the international process.

President Dmitry Medvedev's June 2009 visit to Egypt, Nigeria, Namibia, and Angola focused on the exploitation of energy and minerals and the sale of Russian technology. This effort, alongside summits with BRIC and SCO nations, reflects a Russian foreign policy goal to challenge US hegemony and establish a multipolar world. Key outcomes included agreements on gas field development and pipelines in Nigeria, nuclear power projects in Egypt and Namibia, and loans for Angola's satellite programme. The document notes South Africa's absence from the Russian president's itinerary and the BRIC summit in Yekaterinburg.

IISD supports the renewal of the Internet Governance Forum's (IGF) mandate, praising its success in multistakeholder engagement and its role as a unique international policy dialogue venue. However, the report highlights significant gaps in the IGF's impact on the sustainable development community and its failure to effectively integrate issues like climate change and the Millennium Development Goals. IISD argues that the IGF lacks sufficient analytic capacity and transparency in its Multistakeholder Advisory Group (MAG) governance. To evolve, the report recommends that the IGF establish themed working groups, strengthen linkages with national and regional forums, and move beyond a 'core community' to engage broader public policy actors, including those in the environment and rights sectors.

The document evaluates the Internet Governance Forum (IGF) as a pioneering multi-stakeholder mechanism for global Internet governance. It argues that the IGF should be maintained because it defuses tensions over the U.S. oversight of ICANN and provides an open space for developing countries to address issues like access, security, and open standards. The report suggests that the 'Internet model'—characterized by shared ownership and bottom-up collaboration—could provide valuable lessons for the governance of other critical technologies, including those related to climate change and geo-engineering. It concludes by recommending that a second mandate for the IGF should focus on better integrating developing country concerns and mainstreaming sustainable development goals.

The document analyzes the trajectory of the Islamic Front of Salvation (FIS) in Algeria, from its emergence as a mass political party during the liberalisation of 1989 to its ban in 1992 and subsequent role in armed rebellion. It argues that the FIS's success was driven by social grievances and the failure of the ruling National Liberation Front (FLN), while its radicalisation was partly a response to state repression. The paper further assesses the current Algerian party system, noting a trend of public apathy and the continued dominance of the military and executive branch despite the inclusion of moderate Islamist parties in governing coalitions.

The report assesses the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM), noting significant project attrition and regulatory delays. It highlights the marginalization of Sub-Saharan Africa and the challenges faced by Indian industry, such as stringent additionality tests. The authors propose shifting toward programmatic and sectoral CDMs, suggesting specific reforms for the Chinese steel sector and the use of 'Retirement-CER Obligations' to support the Bali Action Plan.

The 3rd GIBSA Partners' Meeting, held in April 2009 in Tshwane, South Africa, brought together representatives from Germany, India, Brazil, and South Africa to discuss the emerging global political and economic order. Key discussions focused on the transition of power from West to East, the role of 'smart power' in international relations, and the challenges facing African states in exerting influence globally. The meeting also analyzed the rise of 'club governance' (such as the G20 and Heiligendamm Process) as a flexible alternative to traditional multilateral institutions like the IMF and World Bank, while emphasizing that Africa remains more of a 'field of action' than a proactive actor in international relations.

The document analyzes the creation of the US Africa Command (AFRICOM), which became fully operational on 1 October 2008. It argues that while the US intends to streamline military and diplomatic activities to address counter-terrorism and energy security, many Africans perceive it as a militarization of foreign policy. The paper details the shift from a fragmented command structure—where Africa was split between EUCOM, CENTCOM, and PACOM—to a unified command. It highlights the influence of Chinese economic and political growth in Africa as a driver for US strategic realignment. The author concludes that AFRICOM's effectiveness depends on the Obama administration's ability to prioritize diplomacy over brute force and avoid establishing permanent bases on African soil.

The document examines the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) as a voluntary self-monitoring tool for promoting good governance in Africa. It traces the APRM's genealogy from the New Partnership for Africa's Development (Nepad) and the African Union (AU), analyzing the institutional tensions and evolving coordination between these bodies. The author highlights the APRM's success in widening political space and identifying governance gaps in member states, while noting limitations in its ability to enforce solutions or ensure peer learning. The paper concludes that the mechanism's future depends on the commitment of African leadership and its ability to demonstrate incremental progress to maintain international support.

The paper examines Chinese development assistance in Africa, focusing on the 'Friendship Town' housing project in Tembisa, South Africa. It details the shift in Chinese policy from ideological solidarity to a 'mutual benefit' framework and analyzes how the Tembisa project utilized a grant to build 664 housing units. The authors argue the project was a success due to community involvement, local capacity building, and the leadership of key individuals, though they note a lack of formal independent evaluation.

The research paper evaluates the impact of approximately 43 million Euros spent on CDM capacity building in Africa and LDCs over a decade. It finds that while institutional support for establishing Designated National Authorities (DNAs) was generally successful, subsidies for project development were largely ineffective, resulting in a high implicit cost per registered project. The authors argue that a holistic approach coordinating the entire CDM process is necessary for better outcomes.

The report argues that climate change acts as a 'threat multiplier' in Africa, exacerbating existing vulnerabilities such as poverty and poor governance to potentially trigger violent conflict. It identifies four primary areas of concern: increased water scarcity, decreased food security, large-scale climate-induced migration, and the erosion of state fragility. While acknowledging that environmental stress is rarely the sole cause of war, the document highlights how shifts in precipitation and temperature can intensify competition over resources and destabilize fragile states. The authors propose four strategies to mitigate these risks: improving climate projections, reducing global greenhouse gas emissions, implementing conflict-sensitive adaptation policies, and integrating climate risks into all levels of governance.

The report argues that climate change acts as a 'threat multiplier' in Africa, exacerbating existing vulnerabilities such as poverty and poor governance. It identifies four primary drivers of instability: increasing water scarcity, reduced food security, large-scale climate-induced migration, and the overall impact on state fragility. While climate change can intensify conflicts, the document emphasizes that non-climatic factors—specifically governance and institutional capacity—determine whether these challenges lead to violent conflict. The authors propose four strategies for mitigation: improving climate projections, reducing greenhouse gas emissions, implementing adaptation measures, and integrating climate risks into all levels of governance.

The document analyzes the risks associated with the International Criminal Court's potential indictment of President Omar Al Bashir, including the possible collapse of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) and the destabilization of Sudan's internal political dynamics. It highlights tensions within the ruling National Congress Party (NCP) and suggests that the Doha Agreement between the government and the Justice and Equality Movement (JEM) may be a strategic move to avoid indictment rather than a sustainable peace effort.

The report examines the relationship between the global al-Qaida network and the Palestinian polity, focusing on the Gaza Strip. It argues that al-Qaida has used an offensive propaganda campaign to criticize Hamas for political moderation and has attempted to establish an operational foothold in the region. While the report finds no hard evidence of a formal al-Qaida organization in the Palestinian territories, it notes the emergence of various salafi-jihadi groups that have engaged in violence against 'non-Islamic' targets, Christians, and foreigners. Hamas has generally responded defensively to these challenges, fearing that radical elements within its own movement may be receptive to al-Qaida's message, especially under the pressure of international isolation.

The document examines how anthropogenic climate change and rapid population growth intensify resource competition and instability in Africa. It highlights the continent's low adaptive capacity due to poverty and weak governance, while noting that resource scarcity does not linearly lead to war but can also foster cooperation.