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The GCF Secretariat is developing a request for proposals (RFP) for REDD+ results-based payments (RBPs) and guidance for early-phase engagement. Drawing on a COP 22 dialogue and existing frameworks like the Warsaw Framework for REDD+, the Secretariat is analyzing key operational elements including the scale of intervention, access modalities, carbon pricing, and the reconciliation of Cancun safeguards with GCF environmental and social safeguards. The report outlines a process for gathering further technical and stakeholder input to finalize these instruments.

The document analyzes Kenya's foreign policy across four presidencies, noting a historical tendency to 'punch below its weight' despite economic strength. It highlights a significant shift in 2011 with the military incursion into Somalia and the subsequent pan-African focus under Uhuru Kenyatta. The paper examines Kenya's role in regional integration through the EAC and LAPSSET project, its complex relations with South Africa, and the introduction of a new Foreign Policy Framework based on five pillars of diplomacy.

The document argues that while South Africa has been instrumental in the DRC's peace processes and initial state-building, its current approach is failing to ensure long-term institutional stability. The author contends that South Africa's 'quiet diplomacy' and reluctance to demand adherence to democratic values and the rule of law have allowed the DRC's political transition to stall, specifically regarding the postponement of presidential elections.

The report assesses climate variability and future projections across central, eastern, western, and southern Africa, highlighting a critical gap in observational data and a lack of consensus among climate models. It details regional risks—such as the 'east African climate change paradox' and the vulnerability of the Congo rainforest—while providing country-specific analysis for Malawi, Rwanda, Senegal, Tanzania, Uganda, and Zambia. The document emphasizes the need for improved high-resolution modelling and better communication of scientific uncertainty to support adaptation in agriculture, water, energy, and urban infrastructure.

The document examines the impacts of 'polluting energy'—including fossil fuels, industrial biomass, and large dams—across Africa. It highlights how these systems often benefit elites and corporations while leaving local populations to face health crises, land grabbing, and climate vulnerability. Specific case studies focus on South Africa's coal dependency, oil extraction in Nigeria and Uganda, the influence of European energy policies in the Maghreb, and the social and environmental costs of large dams in Mozambique. The report concludes that African nations must avoid 'locking in' obsolete polluting technologies and instead pursue energy sovereignty through decentralized renewables.

The 2016 NYDF Progress Assessment indicates a complex trend where annual net forest loss is declining, but gross tree cover loss remains steady or increasing. While corporate commitments to deforestation-free supply chains are growing, particularly for palm oil and wood, cattle and soy remain under-addressed. Restoration pledges under the Bonn Challenge and UNFCCC have increased significantly, and the Paris Agreement has formally integrated land-use and REDD+ into global climate mitigation. However, financial disbursements for results-based payments lag behind pledges, and forest governance remains a critical challenge, evidenced by a record number of killings of land and environment defenders in 2015.

Africa is experiencing unprecedented urban growth, with its urban population expected to reach 1.4 billion by 2050. While this transition offers economic potential, it is occurring alongside slow structural transformation and pervasive poverty. The paper highlights the rise of megacities—such as Lagos, Cairo, and Kinshasa—and warns that without integrated urban planning and inclusive economic growth, cities will face increasing slum proliferation and urban violence.

The document examines South African business activities in the DRC across sectors such as mining, telecommunications, and agriculture, highlighting both the positive developmental impacts and the significant operational challenges posed by corruption and bureaucracy.

Mozambique possesses high agricultural potential but remains a net food importer due to low productivity and high climate vulnerability. The report identifies four primary areas for improvement: simplifying bureaucratic tax administration to reduce investment costs, developing public financial incentives and public-private partnerships (PPPs) to mitigate risk for farmers, prioritizing critical infrastructure in energy and irrigation, and enhancing revenue-sharing mechanisms to protect natural resources. It highlights that administrative delays and high interest rates (often over 20%) are more significant barriers than tax rates themselves. The document also emphasizes the need for better community consultation in PPPs and the implementation of a more transparent fiscal rule for sharing extractive industry royalties with local communities.

The Global Campaign advocates for a legally binding UN treaty to hold transnational corporations (TNCs) accountable for human rights violations. The proposals include establishing an International Tribunal on Transnational Corporations and Human Rights, enforcing extraterritorial obligations on home states, extending liability across TNC supply chains, and reforming the international trade and investment regime by ending the Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) mechanism. The document also calls for the accountability of International Financial Institutions (IFIs) like the IMF and World Bank and the recognition of the rights of affected people to access justice without financial barriers.

The document argues for a legally binding international treaty to end the impunity of transnational corporations (TNCs) regarding human rights violations. It proposes the creation of an International Tribunal on Transnational Corporations and Human Rights to counter the 'architecture of impunity' created by private arbitration systems like ICSID. The proposals emphasize the extraterritorial obligations of home states, joint and several liability across corporate value chains, and the need to reform International Financial Institutions (IFIs) like the IMF and World Bank. It further advocates for the supremacy of human rights over investment treaties and the establishment of accessible, free legal remedies for affected communities.

The document argues for a legally binding international treaty to end the impunity of transnational corporations (TNCs) and dismantle their systemic power. It proposes the creation of an international tribunal for TNCs and human rights, the establishment of joint and several liability across corporate value chains, and the reform of international financial institutions and trade regimes to prioritize human rights over investor profits. The text emphasizes the need for extraterritorial obligations for home states and the guarantee of free, collective, and swift legal recourse for affected communities.

The report estimates that ending world hunger by 2030 will require an average of USD 11 billion in additional annual public spending, with USD 4 billion provided by donors and USD 7 billion by poor countries. This investment is projected to trigger an additional USD 5 billion in annual private investment. The analysis focuses on three intervention categories: social safety nets, farm support, and rural development. Using a sample of seven African countries to extrapolate global costs, the report identifies that Africa, particularly Central and South East Africa, will require the highest level of support, with some countries depending on donors for over 90 per cent of their budgets.

The document analyzes the state of democracy in Africa, arguing that while electoral democracy has increased since 1989, it is often constrained by neopatrimonialism and a lack of governance capacity. It explores the 'sequencing debate' regarding whether democracy precedes or follows economic development, noting that while authoritarian models have sometimes delivered rapid growth, long-term human development is robustly linked to high-quality electoral democracy. Using the International Futures (IFs) system, the author forecasts that a 'Fourth Wave' of democracy could significantly increase Africa's GDP and reduce extreme poverty by 2070 compared to an 'Authoritarian Regress' scenario.

The document examines Angola's FDI landscape, noting that while the 2015 Private Investment Law (PIL-3) simplifies procedures and removes minimum investment thresholds, systemic issues like corruption, poor infrastructure, and weak institutional capacity continue to deter investment outside the oil and mineral sectors. It highlights a concerning trend of negative net FDI flows and Angola's relative isolation from SADC regional economic integration, while identifying the Lobito Transport Corridor as a strategic asset for future growth.

The document examines the integration of women into the Kenya Defence Forces (KDF), highlighting a disconnect between constitutional mandates for 30% female representation and the actual experience of female soldiers. While Kenya has established a National Action Plan for UNSCR 1325 and seen the appointment of its first female brigadier, women remain underrepresented in leadership and are frequently excluded from combat roles due to patriarchal societal norms and a masculinist institutional culture. The report argues that 'gender-neutral' policies often fail to address substantive inequalities, leading to career stagnation and the persistence of sexual harassment within the military.

The report argues that President Yoweri Museveni uses Uganda's role as a regional security provider to deflect international criticism of his domestic democratic decay. It details the use of patronage and repression to maintain power, the personalized nature of Ugandan foreign policy, and the strategic use of the Uganda People’s Defence Force (UPDF) in Somalia, South Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

This research paper assesses South Africa's role as an emerging development partner in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). Using the NeST analytical framework, it examines the scope and quality of South African initiatives in peace, security, and state-building. The study finds that South Africa is a significant development partner, often exceeding traditional OECD donors when measured relative to Gross National Income. While the partnership is characterized by high levels of trust and demand-driven support, it suffers from fragmented coordination, weak monitoring and evaluation systems, and a lack of clear strategic objectives. The document highlights specific contributions in electoral support, public sector reform, and infrastructure financing, while noting challenges such as political instability in the DRC and bureaucratic inefficiencies in South Africa.

The document analyzes China's transition from a non-interference policy to a more active role in African peace and security, driven by the need to protect its economic interests and a desire to establish itself as a 'responsible great power'. It contrasts Chinese and Western interpretations of human rights and peacebuilding, noting China's preference for socio-economic rights and state-led stability. While China has increased its UN peacekeeping contributions and partnered with the African Union, the report notes a contradiction in its role as a major arms supplier to the continent.

The document establishes a framework of 14 conservation standards to prevent human rights abuses during site-based conservation interventions. It argues that while states are primary duty bearers, non-state actors—including NGOs and philanthropic foundations—have a 'responsibility to respect' human rights. The standards are divided into rights most likely to be directly infringed (such as self-determination, free, prior and informed consent, and land rights) and those indirectly infringed (such as education and non-discriminatory employment). The authors emphasize that these standards should serve as minimum requirements for all conservation activities to avoid forced evictions, cultural deterioration, and the marginalization of indigenous governance systems.