Search Climate Insights Directory

The document provides a data-driven overview of the top 15 tea-producing countries as of 2016, categorizing them by production levels, Human Development Index (HDI), and their status regarding Voluntary Sustainability Standards (VSS) compliance.

The Trade Knowledge Network (TKN), launched in 1997 and coordinated by the International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD), works to build long-term capacity to incorporate sustainable development into national, bilateral, regional, and multilateral trade policies. Its primary objectives include producing country- and region-specific research, engaging trade policy-makers, building the capacity of partner organizations through training and cooperative research, and facilitating the global exchange of best practices. The network comprises partners across various developing and developed nations, including organizations in Argentina, Chile, China, India, Bangladesh, Costa Rica, Canada, Vietnam, Mexico, El Salvador, the USA, Pakistan, and South Africa, with funding support from entities such as the Swiss Agency for Development and Cooperation (SDC).

The report identifies that while the EU's 'Everything But Arms' (EBA) policy has removed tariffs and quotas for Bangladesh, SMEs still face significant non-tariff barriers. Technical Barriers to Trade (TBT), including standards and certification, are the most dominant obstacles across all four studied sectors. Government-related administrative procedures and strict rules of origin also hinder trade, particularly in the knitwear and pharmaceutical industries. The study concludes that without capacity-building and technical assistance, SMEs will struggle to utilize duty-free trade regimes.

The Fourth Conference of the Parties (COP-4) in Buenos Aires resulted in the 'Buenos Aires Plan of Action,' a work program with deadlines to resolve six key issues necessary for the Kyoto Protocol's implementation. While the talks were characterized by deadlock and high-level closed-door negotiations, significant developments included a breakthrough in Global Environment Facility (GEF) funding for developing countries and Argentina's decision to voluntarily commit to greenhouse gas emission reductions. However, deep divisions remained regarding the capping of Kyoto mechanisms and the formalization of technology transfer.

The document examines the complex interactions between the multilateral trading system, primarily the World Trade Organization (WTO), and international environmental governance, including Multilateral Environmental Agreements (MEAs). It analyzes how trade liberalization can both benefit and harm the environment through scale, structural, and product effects. The text details the legal tensions surrounding Process and Production Methods (PPMs), intellectual property rights (TRIPS), and agricultural subsidies, while advocating for the 'mutual support' of trade and environmental goals. It also explores the role of regional trade agreements as laboratories for innovative environmental governance and emphasizes the importance of capacity building and environmental impact assessments in trade policy.

The document examines the disconnect between financial policy-making and environmental goals, arguing that the global financial system is structurally biased toward fossil fuels and against renewables and energy efficiency. It asserts that greening the financial system fits within the mandates of central banks and regulators—including objectives like financial stability, investor protection, and growth. The author proposes a framework for financial policy-makers, especially in China, involving mandatory carbon exposure disclosure, carbon stress tests, and the assessment of carbon risk as a systemic threat. Additionally, the paper advocates for 'interventionist' policies, such as preferential risk weights and lending quotas for green investments, noting that such measures are already used by major central banks in both OECD and emerging economies to support other sectors.

The document defines standards for sustainable trade as non-legally binding instruments that integrate environmental and social sustainability into the trading process. It argues that while these standards can reward sustainable production, they may unfairly restrict market access for developing countries due to information gaps, high compliance costs, or irrelevant requirements. The paper details the institutional capacities needed to develop, apply, and demonstrate compliance with these standards, and proposes a demand-driven, regional approach to capacity building involving South-South cooperation and private sector engagement.

The document outlines strategies for using biocultural community protocols to establish dialogue with external stakeholders, raise awareness internally and externally, and participate in legal and administrative decision-making processes. It emphasizes the use of participatory communication tools—such as video, photography, and community mapping—to balance power dynamics and ensure Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC). The guide also provides practical advice on navigating national and international legal frameworks, negotiating binding agreements, and resolving conflicts through non-violent, alternative dispute resolution mechanisms.

The document outlines a framework for using biocultural community protocols to manage interactions with governments, companies, and NGOs. It details methods for establishing dialogue, raising awareness through participatory media, and engaging in impact assessments and international legal processes. It emphasizes the right to Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) and provides guidance on conflict resolution and responding to human rights violations.

The document explains how international law, primarily through the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), protects traditional knowledge and customary sustainable use of biodiversity. It details the obligations of CBD Parties under Articles 8(j) and 10(c), outlines voluntary instruments like the Akwé: Kon Guidelines and the Tkarihwaié:ri Code of Ethical Conduct, and discusses other frameworks such as UNDRIP and ILO 169. The guide highlights opportunities for communities to advocate for broader rights and challenges such as the restrictive 'compatibility' requirements for legal protection.

The document serves as a guide for indigenous peoples and local communities to understand their rights and responsibilities under international frameworks regarding biodiversity. It focuses heavily on the Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD), particularly Articles 8(j) and 10(c), which mandate that parties respect, preserve, and maintain traditional knowledge and encourage customary use of biological resources. The guide outlines various voluntary instruments, such as the Akwé: Kon Guidelines and the Tkarihwaié:ri Ethical Code of Conduct, and discusses other relevant frameworks from the FAO, ILO, and UN. It also identifies key challenges, such as the restrictive nature of 'compatibility' requirements for conservation and the lack of clarity regarding intellectual property rights.

The document analyzes the strategic importance of Myanmar's offshore natural gas reserves, particularly the Shwe field, in the context of energy security for China, India, and Thailand. It details how the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) utilizes these resources to secure foreign investment and military aid, thereby undermining Western sanctions and delaying democratic reforms. The text highlights a specific rivalry between China and India over pipeline routes, noting China's success in securing a pipeline to Kunming and its broader strategic goal of bypassing the Strait of Malacca. Additionally, it examines the role of other regional actors and the regime's efforts to diversify its dependencies through cooperation with Russia and South Korea.

The study finds that climate-related natural disasters in India have a conditional and generally weak relationship with violent conflict. While disasters can increase the risk of politically motivated violence in areas with low literacy (low development), they are associated with an increased risk of riots in areas with higher literacy. However, the author concludes that these statistical relations are not substantively large enough to suggest that post-disaster violence is a major problem in India, as the direct damages from disasters likely dwarf the damages from ensuing unrest.

The research examines how Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh mitigate the ban on formal education through two primary resources: community-led education networks and online learning platforms. The authors document the operation of 27 community-organized networks that utilized the Myanmar curriculum to teach thousands of children, as well as the rise of digital education via YouTube, WhatsApp, and Facebook. The study highlights a tension between the restrictive policies of the Government of Bangladesh and the aspirations of refugees to maintain a cultural and linguistic link to Myanmar. It concludes that humanitarian agencies should better engage with these untapped community resources to improve educational outcomes and reach marginalized groups, such as adolescent girls.

The study finds no general statistical relationship between forest resources and the onset or duration of civil wars at the national level. While some disaggregated results suggest that proximity to the coast may prolong conflicts in forested zones, the authors conclude that the perceived link between forests and conflict is largely driven by a few specific cases, such as Burma, rather than a global pattern.

The Strategies of Resistance Data Project (SRDP) provides a global dataset of 1,124 organizations involved in self-determination disputes between 1960 and 2005. Unlike previous datasets that focus on mass campaigns or violent actors, SRDP uses the organization as the unit of analysis to track tactical shifts. Findings indicate that nonviolent tactics are more common than violence in these movements, and organizations are more likely to switch from violence to nonviolence than vice versa.

The authors present the During-Conflict Justice (DCJ) dataset, which catalogues 2,205 justice processes across 204 internal armed conflicts in 108 countries between 1946 and 2011. The research identifies that DCJ is a common tool, appearing in over 60% of conflicts since WWII, with governments being the primary adopters (70.4%). The study finds that democratic governments are more likely to use DCJ, particularly trials, truth commissions, and reparations, compared to autocracies. Rebel groups tend to use DCJ more frequently when fighting democracies and as their own relative military strength increases. Analysis suggests that government-initiated DCJ is correlated with a reduction in battle deaths in the following year and a higher likelihood of the conflict ending in a negotiated settlement rather than a military victory.

The authors examine the causal links between climate change and armed conflict, finding a significant gap between dramatic political claims of 'climate wars' and actual empirical data. They note a paradox where global warming has accelerated while the number of ongoing conflicts has declined. The paper outlines five potential mechanisms—political instability, social fragmentation, economic instability, migration, and unintended policy consequences—through which environmental stress might indirectly influence conflict, but concludes that these effects are heavily mediated by existing state capacity and socio-political conditions.

The document argues that treating nonstate actors as unitary entities in civil conflict analysis creates a gap between conceptual frames and empirical reality. It proposes a 'disaggregation' approach to examine how internal divisions, factionalism, and shifting coalitions influence the initiation, escalation, and termination of violence. The authors highlight that fragmentation can either increase violence through in-group competition or facilitate peace through state co-optation of specific factions. The text calls for more disaggregated data to better understand the dynamics of nonstate actors, including the role of external state intervention in precipitating or exacerbating internal splits.

The research examines the interaction effects of business-development partnerships in the Global South, arguing that the current global model often prioritizes corporate interests and high-level rhetoric over grounded social impact. Through narrative inquiry and case studies in the Democratic Republic of Congo, Myanmar, and Dubai, the author illustrates how corporate operations can inadvertently fund conflict, confer legitimacy to violent actors, and facilitate the laundering of conflict minerals, despite public commitments to the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The paper concludes that non-binding, self-reported frameworks like the UN Global Compact are insufficient and that binding, independently verified regulatory initiatives are necessary to ensure peace-positive business action.