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The document outlines a structured approach to integrating monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) into National Adaptation Plan (NAP) processes. It emphasizes a sequential, pragmatic approach to system design, the use of Theory of Change (ToC) models, and the selection of SMART indicators. The guide details how to link MEL with impact, vulnerability, and risk assessments (IVRAs) and provides strategies for data collection, management, and inclusive communication. It specifically highlights the necessity of integrating gender equality and social inclusion (GESI) to ensure equitable adaptation outcomes.

The report analyzes the relationship between the diversion of firearms—the transfer of weapons from legal to illicit realms—and illicit trafficking. It details various diversion typologies, including 'leakage' from state stocks, straw purchases, and the misuse of export documentation. Through 12 case studies spanning Europe, Africa, the Americas, and Asia, the document demonstrates how the UN Firearms Protocol's requirements for marking, record-keeping, and international judicial cooperation are critical for dismantling trafficking networks. It emphasizes that while diversion can occur domestically, it often serves as a prerequisite for cross-border trafficking, which requires a coordinated international criminal justice response to be effectively countered.

The report examines the vulnerability of global trade infrastructure to climate change, highlighting that maritime, land-based, and air transport are all exposed to acute and slow-onset hazards. It identifies critical 'chokepoints' in global supply chains, particularly for food and raw materials, and notes that current adaptation efforts by governments and businesses are insufficient. The document argues for a systemic, global approach to climate-proofing trade infrastructure to prevent catastrophic economic losses and support the low-carbon transition.

This document describes the data collection methodology and definitions used by Ember to track national ambitions for renewable energy deployment in the power sector across 57 countries and the European Union, focusing on targets for 2030.

The report identifies 30 companies, termed the "emissions aristocracy," that were responsible for over 50% of total EU ETS emissions in 2022. While the power sector has seen significant emission reductions since 2013 due to the absence of free allowances, heavy industries like steel, cement, and petrochemicals have experienced stagnant progress. The author argues that free allowances create windfall profits and remove the financial incentive to innovate, calling for a transition to full auctioning by 2030 to ensure the polluter pays principle is upheld.

The document analyzes the Abu Dhabi National Oil Company (ADNOC), highlighting a significant misalignment between its aggressive production expansion plans and the 1.5°C global warming limit. It details how ADNOC is increasingly relying on international equity, bonds, and bank financing, thereby exposing global investors to transition and litigation risks. The brief maps these financial connections across upstream, midstream, and downstream operations and recommends that investors and banks push for greater transparency and a cessation of new fossil fuel infrastructure to mitigate these risks.

The author contends that the EU's response to the Israel-Palestine crisis and other regional issues is hampered by internal divisions and the lack of a comprehensive Middle East strategy. The text highlights how the unanimity rule allows single member states to block collective action, such as ceasefire calls or opposition to US-led peace plans. It suggests that as US influence in the region wanes, the EU has an opportunity to establish an independent role, potentially through 'green diplomacy', provided it can overcome its internal fragmentation and move toward qualified majority voting.

The report identifies clinker production as the primary source of emissions in the cement sector, accounting for 88% of total emissions. It evaluates three main decarbonization levers: substituting clinker with materials like fly ash and calcined clay, replacing coal and gas with biomass, waste, or green hydrogen, and deploying CCUS. While some progress is noted in developed markets, the report warns that absolute emissions will rise as production grows in emerging markets like India and Africa unless green processes are scaled. Key barriers include supply constraints for substitutes, high upfront costs for CCUS, and a lack of carbon transport infrastructure in high-growth regions.

The report examines 26 NAP progress reports from 20 countries to provide a framework for tracking climate adaptation. It identifies that while many countries commit to reporting, few do so due to capacity and resource constraints. The analysis proposes a four-step iterative cycle for reporting and details various methods for tracking implementation, evaluating effectiveness, and assessing the integration of adaptation into national budgeting.

Reclaim Finance argues that the EU's climate targets cannot be met without a massive mobilization of private finance, which currently favors fossil fuels over sustainable energy. The organization proposes four key interventions: mandating a 6:1 clean energy to fossil fuel investment ratio by 2030, requiring robust and audited climate transition plans, applying the "do not significantly harm" principle to all financial services, and implementing preferential ECB refinancing rates for sustainable activities.

The Coalition to Counter Online Antisemitism (CCOA), funded by Google.org and the TIDES Foundation through 2026, is a multi-stakeholder initiative designed to address the rise of online antisemitism in Europe. The project aims to bridge gaps between research, education, and policy by coordinating efforts across ten countries, including Germany, France, and the UK. The CCOA operates through three dedicated working groups focused on research, education, and policy to scale primary prevention and counter-speech efforts.

The report assesses Europe's geological CO2 storage potential, estimating theoretical capacity between 262 and 1520 GtCO2. It compares 'Domestic' (widespread) and 'Export' (limited basins) storage scenarios against 'Prioritised' and 'Technical Potential' demand scenarios. While Europe has sufficient long-term theoretical capacity, current announced projects are insufficient for 2035 demand. The study highlights that widespread domestic storage significantly reduces transport CAPEX compared to export-heavy models, though some countries like Finland and Estonia lack suitable sedimentary basins.

The report explores how repeating national climate risk assessments (CRAs) can support the monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL) of national adaptation efforts. While CRAs are traditionally used to inform planning, the author argues they can also track changes in vulnerability over time to assess adaptation success. Analysis of 12 countries reveals a shift toward viewing CRAs as continuous learning processes rather than static reports, with a growing consensus that updates should occur roughly every five years to align with policy cycles. However, the report finds that fully standardized approaches to repeating CRAs are often impractical due to evolving science and shifting policy priorities. Instead, it suggests a flexible approach where only specific components are standardized. Early adopters like Germany and the United Kingdom have begun using CRAs to evaluate NAP effectiveness, though they face methodological challenges, including the time lag between implementing measures and seeing tangible risk reductions.

The report explores how national climate risk assessments (CRAs) can transition from one-off planning documents to iterative tools for monitoring, evaluation, and learning (MEL). Based on analysis from 12 countries, it argues that while periodic CRAs are essential for evidence-based National Adaptation Plans (NAPs), a fully standardized approach is often impractical due to evolving scientific knowledge and shifting policy priorities. The document highlights that countries like Germany and the UK are beginning to use CRAs to assess whether vulnerability is decreasing, though methodological challenges remain, such as the time lag between adaptation action and observable risk reduction.

The author contends that the EPP, once a supporter of the European Green Deal, is now radicalising its position to align with far-right narratives. This shift is evidenced by the EPP's opposition to nature restoration laws, which the party claims would "lead to less food production". The text suggests that the EPP's strategy is influenced by the success of the Dutch BoerBurgerBeweging party and has led to policy alignment with the ECR and ID groups in the European Parliament. Consequently, the Greens are left defending moderate policies while the EPP moves toward climate denialism, potentially jeopardizing the EU's climate neutrality goals for 2050.

The policy brief highlights a gap between current European electricity interconnection expansion plans and the actual needs of the power system. It asserts that doubling interconnection capacity is essential to integrate renewables cost-effectively and reduce reliance on fossil gas. The author identifies critical border corridors requiring urgent attention and proposes three pathways forward: accelerating the 22 GW of projects already in the pipeline, investing in non-wire solutions like storage and demand response, or increasing domestic renewable capacities at a higher cost.

The report assesses Europe's theoretical CO2 storage capacity, estimating it between 262 and 1520 GtCO2, and matches this against industrial and non-industrial CCS demand scenarios for 2035 and 2050. It compares 'Export' scenarios (limited key basins) with 'Domestic' scenarios (widespread storage), finding that while Europe has sufficient long-term theoretical capacity, current announced projects are insufficient for 2035 demand. The analysis highlights that widespread domestic storage could halve transport CAPEX costs compared to export-heavy models, though certain regions like Northern Italy, the German North Sea, and Switzerland may face capacity constraints under high-demand scenarios.

The study finds that in eight of the nine researched EU Member States, there are no instances of NGOs bringing actions against State aid measures. It highlights a systemic lack of standing for non-competitors, limited transparency regarding aid schemes, and inconsistent public consultation practices, which collectively hinder the enforcement of EU environmental law in State aid matters.

Clean Air Task Force (CATF) conducted a multi-country survey of over 430 oil and gas sites across 15 European countries between February 2021 and March 2023 using optical gas imaging (OGI). The survey found evidence of methane emissions at 289 sites, identifying 881 sources of emissions. The report highlights that emissions occur at every stage of the supply chain, with storage tanks, vent stacks, unlit flares, and piping leaks being the most common sources. It specifically notes significant maintenance failures in Romania and continuous venting at various compressor stations across the bloc. CATF argues that voluntary industry commitments and self-reporting are insufficient, as observed emissions often contradict corporate claims. The report recommends that the EU adopt a comprehensive LDAR program, ban routine venting and flaring, establish a mandatory monitor, report, and verify (MRV) system, implement tough import standards for fossil fuels, and create a program to remediate abandoned wells.

The document argues that the pursuit of GDP growth is incompatible with ecological stability and proposes a shift toward 'degrowth' and 'postgrowth' models. It examines the role of new institutions, such as ethical cooperatives and not-for-profit businesses, and discusses policy instruments like working time reduction and the 'Cap and Share' framework. The text also addresses the geopolitical risks of this transition, the rise of eco-fascism, and the need for a just transition for workers and the Global South.