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Reclaim Finance argues that Japan's three megabanks (Mizuho, MUFG, and SMBC) maintain policies that allow continued support for the coal industry. While the banks have updated policies to restrict direct project financing for new coal plants 'in principle', these policies contain exceptions and do not apply to general corporate financing. Between October 2018 and October 2020, these banks provided $39bn, $36bn, and $32bn respectively to companies on the Global Coal Exit List. The document contrasts this with European peers like Crédit Agricole and notes increasing shareholder and activist pressure on the Japanese institutions to align with the Paris Agreement.

The document argues that African nations must align their Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and Long-term Low Emissions Strategies (LTSs) with a cohesive vision for carbon neutrality by 2050. It highlights the necessity of integrating COVID-19 green recovery plans with these climate goals and emphasizes that current global mitigation and adaptation pledges remain insufficient to meet IPCC recommendations. For Africa, the briefing identifies climate finance, adaptation, loss and damage, and youth inclusion as critical priorities for the COP26 agenda.

The report examines the state of women's entrepreneurship in Africa, contrasting the 'market women' in the informal sector with a small cadre of successful formal entrepreneurs. It criticizes South Africa's proposed Women Empowerment and Gender Equality Bill, arguing that enforced numerical parity is an ineffective approach to empowerment. Instead, the author advocates for improving general business environments, prioritizing girls' education, and reforming laws regarding property and inheritance rights to support all entrepreneurs.

The research paper explores the concept of a restoration economy in Africa, focusing on the South African 'Working for Wetlands' programme. It identifies key enablers for success, such as linking restoration to poverty relief and vocational training, while noting constraints like bureaucratic rigidity and over-reliance on public funding. The author argues that for Africa to 'build back better' post-COVID-19, ecological restoration must be integrated into development planning and funded by the production sectors (mining, agriculture, forestry) that impact ecosystems, moving toward a circular economy model.

The LEAF Framework is a US$ 959.9 million initiative led by the African Development Bank (AfDB) to expand access to solar home systems, green mini-grids, and commercial and industrial (C&I) solar solutions across six African countries. The program seeks US$ 170.9 million from the Green Climate Fund (GCF) to provide concessional partial credit guarantees, subordinated debt, and technical assistance to de-risk the DRE sector and mobilize local currency financing. Expected impacts include the installation of 386MW of generating capacity, the reduction of 28.8 million tCO2e over the systems' lifetimes, and providing green energy solutions to 1.18 million households and businesses.

The GCF Secretariat report for the first trimester of 2021 highlights a record funding approval of USD 1.2 billion at a single Board meeting (B.28) and a portfolio implementation rate of 73%. Key priorities include the 'DAE Action Plan' to increase funding for Direct Access Entities, the development of a Private Sector Strategy to catalyze adaptation finance, and the implementation of the 'GCF People Plan' to enhance institutional capacity. The report also details a long-term vision for collaboration with the Global Environment Facility (GEF) and efforts to secure privileges and immunities through a potential relationship with the United Nations.

The authors argue that traditional linear models of innovation policy in Africa often fail to reduce poverty and inequality because they focus narrowly on R&D without strong implementation or governance. They propose shifting toward Transformative Innovation Policy (TIP), which targets societal challenges like climate change, and Smart Specialization Strategies (S3), which prioritize innovation based on a territory's specific resources. Case studies of Nigeria and Côte d’Ivoire reveal critical evidence gaps, particularly regarding the informal sector and sub-national data, which hinder the effective application of these frameworks.

The document highlights the rapid degradation of Africa's natural resources and advocates for a financing strategy for the Post-2020 Global Biodiversity Agenda that combines the mobilization of new resources with the removal of subsidies that drive biodiversity loss. It suggests that conservation targets should be linked to international climate goals via nature-based solutions and that 'green' finance mechanisms, such as debt-for-nature swaps, be integrated into post-pandemic economic stimulus packages for African nations.

The report argues that stopping the expansion of fossil fuels is insufficient to meet the 1.5°C target of the Paris Agreement; instead, an active wind-down of existing production is required. It proposes specific annual decline rates for coal (9.5%), oil (8.5%), and gas (3.5%) between 2021 and 2030. The authors conclude that this transition is technically feasible because global solar and wind potential could meet primary energy demand more than 50 times over, ensuring 100% energy access without risking energy security.

The document critiques orthodox macroeconomic policies for ignoring social reproduction and gendered power dynamics, particularly in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic in Africa. It argues that neoliberal austerity and financialisation have undermined public services and increased the burden of unpaid care on women. The authors propose a recovery based on a 'feminist green economy,' increased fiscal space through progressive taxation and debt cancellation, and a shift toward a social reproductive economy that prioritises basic income and universal access to essential services.

The document contends that Africa's historical 'jobless growth' is due to a dependence on primary commodities and a lack of structural transformation. It proposes a shift from 'stabilization' to 'transformation' by coordinating fiscal and monetary policies with sectoral and labour market interventions. Key recommendations include increasing public investment in the care economy and infrastructure, implementing expenditure-switching methods to reduce import reliance, adopting progressive taxation, and establishing national minimum wages to boost domestic demand and productivity.

The report finds that 41 of 54 African UN member states have subscribed to the HCoC, with the highest participation in ECOWAS (93%) and the lowest in SADC (56%). While ballistic missile threats within Africa are generally low—with only Algeria and Egypt maintaining active programmes—the report highlights the growing importance of the HCoC as African states expand their civilian space agencies and the AU aims to establish an African Space Agency by 2023. Key challenges include the exclusion of cruise missiles from the HCoC scope, administrative burdens for resource-constrained states, and a lack of institutional memory. The authors argue that the HCoC supports a 'nexus between security and development' by facilitating peaceful space exploration and improving a state's non-proliferation credentials for technology exports.

The document examines the role of nuclear science and technology in Africa, highlighting the use of 10 research reactors for education and medical/environmental research. It emphasizes the critical need for radiotherapy machines to combat rising cancer rates and the use of nuclear techniques in agriculture to ensure food security and manage zoonotic diseases. The brief outlines the legal framework for peaceful use, including the Pelindaba Treaty and the NPT, and identifies challenges such as public skepticism, financial instability, and safety risks. It recommends expanded continental training and continued cooperation with the IAEA and AFCONE.

The document details the Botswana APRM Popular Sensitisation (BAPS) Project, an initiative led by the Botswana Council of Non-Governmental Organisations (BOCONGO) and the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA). It describes how over 35 CSOs collaborated to produce a governance report covering 12 key areas, despite challenges posed by the COVID-19 pandemic. The briefing provides a set of recommendations for other countries, emphasizing the importance of inclusivity, non-partisan coordination, and the use of ICTs to facilitate civic engagement in governance reviews.

The document examines how the global shift toward low-carbon energy, driven by the Paris Agreement, creates a risk of stranded assets for fossil fuel-dependent African nations. While this transition threatens export revenues and economic stability, it offers opportunities through increased demand for critical minerals like cobalt and copper. The author argues for a 'just transition' that avoids premature deindustrialisation and leverages fossil fuel revenues for economic diversification and green industrialisation.

The report examines the intersection of China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), noting that while BRI infrastructure investments can support AfCFTA goals, a lack of coordinated African strategy poses risks. It highlights China's incentive to access the AfCFTA's massive consumer market while warning that cheap Chinese imports could undermine the free trade area's objectives.

The document examines the transition of the mining sector from diesel and grid power to renewable energy (RE), primarily solar PV and wind. It argues that while RE has high initial capital expenditure, it offers lower long-term operating costs and provides a hedge against volatile fuel prices. The paper highlights the role of hybrid systems and energy storage in overcoming the intermittency of RE to meet the constant baseload demands of mines. It also explores the potential for portable RE systems for exploration sites and the use of rehabilitated mine land for utility-scale RE generation.

The paper analyzes China's public diplomacy in Africa, noting a transition from risk-averse protocols to the use of social media and 'humanized' diplomats. While the pandemic provided opportunities for 'vaccine diplomacy' and PPE donations, the mass eviction of African migrants in Guangzhou in 2020 triggered a significant backlash. The authors argue that despite experimenting with digital tools, China retreated to traditional, elite-focused diplomatic methods to mitigate the Guangzhou crisis, revealing a persistent preference for high-level engagement over genuine dialogue with African publics.

The document details a partnership between the South African Institute of International Affairs (SAIIA) and Jasoro Consulting to integrate youth voices into South Africa's APRM review. Using Hart's 'Ladder of Participation', the project moved beyond tokenism to treat youth as equal partners in decision-making. The process involved nearly 200 young people nationwide who identified key governance issues, including climate change and land rights. The authors derive five key lessons for policy actors: early consultation, recognizing youth as experts in their own experience, ensuring diverse representation, centering youth voices, and providing learning opportunities.

The document examines South Africa's service sector, which contributes approximately 61% to national GDP and employs over 5.5 million workers. While the sector is large, the authors argue that growth must shift toward exports, particularly within Africa, as the domestic market is overdeveloped. The brief concludes that the AfCFTA is unlikely to provide a short-term boost due to a lack of specific service sector commitments and persistent regulatory hurdles, such as visa restrictions and inadequate ICT infrastructure. It recommends establishing a unified coalition of service providers and updating digital infrastructure to enhance South Africa's role as a regional gateway.