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The Climate Litigation Lab report summarizes discussions from a 2025 event in Magaliesburg, South Africa, focusing on Strategic Litigation Against Public Participation (SLAPPs) and the legal challenges facing environmental defenders in Africa.

The report forecasts that Africa's energy demand will rise significantly due to population growth and economic expansion, with the 'Combined scenario' projecting demand 26% above the 'Current Path' by 2050. While production is expected to increase—particularly through renewables—demand will still outpace supply, increasing reliance on energy imports. Despite a rapid transition away from fossil fuels, Africa's share of global CO2-equivalent emissions from fossil fuels is projected to rise to 10.4% by 2050 in the Combined scenario.

The paper argues for a rapid increase in non-fossil energy production to mitigate climate vulnerability in Africa. It highlights the potential for renewables to reach 750 GW by 2030 and the role of nuclear and hydropower, while noting that fossil fuel sectors remain primary drivers of foreign direct investment. The authors model an 'Energy Policy scenario' for 2050 that increases production across solar, wind, nuclear, and hydro, potentially reducing the number of Africans without electricity by 184 million.

The report explores how a differentiated global carbon tax—where rates are based on a country's income classification—could reduce fossil fuel emissions and foster economic growth in Africa. Under the 'Sustainable Africa' scenario, the African economy is projected to be 58% larger by 2050 than the 'Current Path', with significant reductions in extreme poverty and near-total electricity access, despite a larger economy. The document also highlights Africa's potential as a carbon sink through reforestation and land management to attract investment and carbon credits.

The report examines the 'electrotech fast-track' for 74 Climate Vulnerable Forum (CVF) nations, arguing that rapid cost declines in solar, batteries, and electric end-use technologies allow these countries to bypass the 'fossil detour'. It highlights that 46% of CVF nations, by electricity demand, have already surpassed the US in solar penetration. The document details how solar is now less capital-intensive than fossil fuels and how decentralized solar-battery systems are becoming cheaper than grid extension for remote areas. It further argues that transitioning to electrotech reduces the $155 billion annual fossil fuel import drain and leverages CVF nations' strategic assets in critical minerals and manufacturing to gain geopolitical influence.

Ethiopia's climate finance averaged USD 2.3 billion annually in 2022/23, significantly below the USD 10.6 billion annual requirement of its NDC 3.0. The country is heavily dependent on international public finance, which accounted for over 93% of flows, while private investment remains minimal at less than 5%. Adaptation finance dominates the landscape, reflecting high vulnerability in the agriculture and water sectors, whereas mitigation finance is concentrated in energy and remains insufficient. Despite institutional reforms and the launch of the Ethiopian Securities Exchange, macroeconomic constraints and limited project preparation capacity hinder the mobilization of domestic and private capital.

The report analyzes how high debt-service obligations and fossil fuel reliance create a structural trap for Global South nations, where fiscal pressures force governments to prioritize short-term liquidity and fossil fuel extraction over long-term renewable energy transitions. Through case studies of Colombia, Egypt, Guyana, Jordan, and Sri Lanka, it demonstrates that this nexus is systemic, often reinforced by the conditionalities of International Financial Institutions (IFIs) and the interests of multinational corporations. The document advocates for comprehensive debt cancellation, the end of fossil fuel finance, and a global transition framework based on 'extraction equity' to dismantle these structural barriers.

The report examines how national investment laws handle dispute prevention, management, and settlement (DPMS). It finds that while most laws include DPMS provisions—particularly in Africa and Asia—the use of international arbitration, especially through 'advance consent,' exposes states to significant financial risks. The authors advocate for prioritizing national courts and non-adjudicative mechanisms, providing a structured framework for states to reform their investment laws based on specific national policy problems rather than generic international standards.

The document examines the prevalence and design of dispute prevention, management, and settlement (DPMS) provisions in national investment laws. Based on an analysis of 167 laws, it finds that while DPMS provisions are common—particularly in Africa and Asia—the inclusion of 'prior consent' to arbitration exposes states to significant risks. The report argues that states should prioritize judicial capacity building over parallel arbitration channels and strongly recommends against granting unilateral, indefinite prior consent to arbitration in national legislation.

The document examines the prevalence and nature of dispute settlement mechanisms in national investment laws, highlighting the risks of 'prior consent' to arbitration and recommending the strengthening of national judiciaries over the creation of parallel arbitration paths.

The report examines how national investment laws handle the prevention, management, and settlement of disputes between investors and states. Based on an analysis of 167 laws, it finds that while dispute resolution is a common feature—particularly in Africa and Asia—the use of international arbitration and 'prior consent' clauses exposes states to significant financial and regulatory risks. The authors argue that states should prioritize national courts and administrative reviews over parallel arbitration systems and strongly recommend against including unilateral prior consent to international arbitration in national legislation.

The report finds that tax incentives are a primary feature of investment laws in EMDEs, often driven by investment promotion agencies (IPAs) with limited involvement from ministries of finance (MoFs). This institutional disconnect leads to fragmented governance, revenue losses, and increased exposure to investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) claims. While some countries are moving toward centralizing incentives under unified legal frameworks, monitoring and evaluation mechanisms remain limited and disconnected from policy-making.

The report analyzes 105 national investment laws in EMDEs, finding that 67.6% explicitly provide incentives, with tax incentives being the most dominant. It highlights a systemic gap in coordination between Investment Promotion Agencies (IPAs), which typically lead the design and administration of these laws, and Ministries of Finance (MFs), which are often marginalized in the legal text. This fragmentation leads to risks of revenue loss, inefficient resource allocation, and exposure to Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) claims. The document notes a trend toward centralizing tax incentives into unified legal frameworks to improve transparency and fiscal discipline, as seen in Ghana and Honduras.

The document argues that current RBF programmes often prioritize short-term connection numbers over long-term business viability, creating 'cliff-edge risks' and deterring commercial investors. It proposes a four-pillar approach: aligning impact metrics with commercial viability (e.g., rewarding energy usage and productive-use connections), adjusting disbursement schedules to support capital raises, introducing risk-mitigation instruments for macroeconomic and operational risks, and fostering ecosystem-wide coordination between governments, funders, and investors.

The report argues that the abrupt closure of USAID in 2025 has had catastrophic short-term effects on funding-dependent newsrooms in Africa, leading to mass layoffs and a decline in investigative capacity. It highlights the role of Internews as a primary implementer of these projects and warns that the loss of funding increases the risk of 'media capture' by political actors, the 'juniorisation' of newsrooms as senior staff leave, and a shift toward commercial rather than public service reporting. The author concludes that the resulting vacuum in public accountability work may accelerate democratic backsliding in fragile states.

The report argues that investing in climate services for health (CSfH) provides high economic returns, ranging from US$3.60 to $68.40 per dollar invested, due to the modest cost of implementation relative to the high value of lives saved. It defines CSfH through seven key activities—including early warning systems, disease surveillance, and resilient infrastructure—and estimates that a median-sized developing country requires an annual investment of US$12 to $18 million. Despite these returns, the study finds significant barriers to uptake, including a lack of integrated meteorological data in health surveillance systems and poor cross-agency collaboration between meteorological and health institutions.

The report argues that the AfCFTA is essential for Africa to overcome a colonial legacy of exporting primary goods and importing manufactured equipment. It highlights that while official intra-African trade is low (14.8% in 2021), informal trade is significantly higher due to high formal costs. The AfCFTA aims to formalise trade, develop regional value chains, and prioritise industrialisation in sectors like agri-business and pharmaceuticals to enhance global competitiveness and economic stability.

The report examines Africa's history of 'premature deindustrialisation' and proposes a strategic shift toward manufacturing to drive structural transformation. It models a scenario where increased investment in R&D, infrastructure, and labour participation leads to significant GDP growth, the creation of millions of jobs, and a substantial reduction in extreme poverty by 2043.

The document argues that the combined effects of various slave trades and subsequent European colonialism fundamentally altered African agriculture. It details how the loss of productive labour and the imposition of export-oriented crop systems undermined domestic food security and regional trade.

The document argues that Africa's economic underperformance is linked to a failure to maximize globalization and a heavy reliance on primary exports. It forecasts that full implementation of the AfCFTA would increase Africa's share of world exports to 4.4% and raise GDP per capita to US$6,602 by 2043, compared to 3.5% of exports and US$6,197 GDP per capita under a 'Current Path' scenario. Additionally, the AfCFTA is identified as a tool to reduce African countries' exposure to the European Union's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) by diversifying export markets.