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The document is a formal appeal to JPMorgan Chase shareholders to vote in favor of a resolution that would stop the bank from financing fossil fuel expansion. The signatories argue that continuing to fund new oil, gas, and coal infrastructure is inconsistent with the global scientific consensus required to limit warming to 1.5°C and contributes to environmental injustice and economic risk.

The We Mean Business Coalition calls on G7 leaders to accelerate the transition to clean energy through specific policy targets, including the phase-out of coal by 2030 and the elimination of fossil fuel subsidies by 2025. The document argues that such policies provide the necessary clarity for the private sector to invest in renewables, electrification, and energy efficiency, while noting that clean energy investments could boost global GDP by 4% by 2030.

The Life after Coal Campaign and the Fair Finance Coalition Southern Africa argue that the JET-IP is heavily skewed toward private sector interests and large-scale infrastructure, specifically green hydrogen, at the expense of community-led renewable energy and social investment. They highlight critical gaps in policy alignment, the lack of transparency regarding debt and loan agreements, and the failure to adequately address the health impacts of air pollution at the Medupi and Kusile power stations. The authors call for a reprioritization of funding toward transmission grid strengthening and socially owned energy models, while warning that the current approach to decommissioning coal plants, as seen at Komati, lacks the necessary community participation to be considered 'just'.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) presents a critical overview of Carbon Capture and Storage (CCS), asserting that the technology overpromises on emission reductions while introducing significant safety risks and high costs. The document highlights the 'energy penalty'—the extra energy required to power capture equipment—and notes that most existing projects are used for enhanced oil recovery (EOR), which can increase overall emissions. It warns that a large-scale CCS buildout in the United States would require an unrealistic and dangerous expansion of pipeline infrastructure. Furthermore, the text argues that CCS is unnecessary for 'hard to abate' industrial sectors, where electrification and demand reduction are more viable, and critiques 'blue hydrogen' as a means to prolong fossil fuel dependence. The document concludes that global capture capacity is negligible compared to total emissions and that public subsidies, such as the US 45Q tax credit, inappropriately support the fossil fuel economy.

The document argues that MDBs must shift from a project-by-project approach to coordinated country and sector platforms, utilizing 'Just Term Sheets' to standardize transition investments. It recommends scaling risk-sharing instruments, such as guarantees and local currency loans, to lower the cost of capital in EMDEs. Furthermore, it calls for a business model overhaul, transitioning from an 'originate to hold' to an 'originate to distribute' model to recycle capital and increase lending capacity. The paper also emphasizes the need for standardized KPIs, improved data sharing via entities like the GEMS risk database, and the institutionalization of crisis-response toolkits for regular climate action.

The report finds that while the 'return of coal' did not materialize globally in 2022, the pace of retirements remains insufficient to meet Paris Agreement targets. China is a major outlier, with its coal capacity in development increasing by 38% in 2022, while capacities in the rest of the world decreased by 20%. In the EU and UK, coal use saw a marginal 1% increase due to the gas crisis, but long-term trends remain downward. In Sub-Saharan Africa, coal projects persist despite funding shortages, though some successful just transition initiatives, such as the Komati plant retirement in South Africa, provide a potential model for the region.

The report finds that while global coal phase-out remains possible, the current pace of closures is insufficient to meet Paris Agreement goals. China is a major outlier, accounting for 68% of proposed global coal capacity in 2022, while other regions show a decline in new projects. In South Korea, the report argues that current plans are inconsistent with national climate goals and that the financial risks of coal dependence are evident in the deficits of the Korea Electric Power Corporation.

The report establishes a baseline for women's employment in large-scale mining across 12 countries, finding that while female participation is slowly increasing, the sector remains heavily masculinized with significant structural barriers. Women are often concentrated in administrative roles and face a 'leaky pipeline' where they leave the industry at earlier career stages than men. The document highlights a paradox where women in mining often have higher formal education levels than men but lack the specific technical and vocational certifications required for high-paying operational roles. It further analyzes how the 'mine of the future'—characterized by automation, digitalization, and decarbonization—could either marginalize women further due to a digital divide and STEM gaps or provide new opportunities in environmental engineering and remote operations. The report concludes with policy recommendations for governments and companies to improve gender-responsive data collection, workplace safety, and inclusive skill-development programs.

Barbados is partnering with Sustainable Energy for All (SEforALL) to create an Energy Transition and Investment Plan (ETIP). This plan aims to transition the island from a heavy reliance on imported fossil fuels—which accounted for nearly 95 percent of the energy mix in 2019—toward 100 percent renewable energy and full electrification of transport. The initiative focuses on evaluating technological pathways, scoping investment needs, and addressing human capacity gaps to ensure a just transition and energy independence.

The document argues that the Upstream Petroleum Resources Development Bill (B13 - 2021) is fatally flawed because it seeks to "accelerate exploration and production" of oil and gas, which contradicts South Africa's climate commitments and the global goal of net zero by 2050. The authors highlight significant administrative shortcomings, specifically the lack of a clear definition for "interested and affected party" (IAP) and inadequate consultation requirements for most application types. Furthermore, the Bill is described as being in conflict with the One Environmental System (OES) by attempting to legislate on environmental matters that fall under the exclusive purview of the Minister for Forestry, Fisheries and the Environment. The submission also calls for the incorporation of Free, Prior and Informed Consent (FPIC) and a robust Social and Labour Plan (SLP) framework to protect vulnerable communities from the health and economic risks associated with petroleum extraction.

The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) views Canada's 2023 federal budget as a significant step toward a net-zero economy, noting billions for clean energy and CAD 800 million for freshwater protection. However, the IISD warns that the budget maintains loopholes for fossil fuels, specifically through carbon capture and storage (CCS) funding and the inclusion of abated natural gas in clean electricity tax credits, which may undermine commitments to end inefficient fossil fuel subsidies.

This consultation brief by the Climate Policy Initiative examines the conflict between financial institutions' net zero portfolio targets and the need to finance the managed early retirement or retrofitting of unabated coal-fired power plants.

The Life After Coal Campaign opposes Eskom's plan to install temporary bypass stacks at the Kusile power station, which would allow unabated SO2 emissions to restore generating capacity. The campaign argues that this proposal poses grave risks to human health, potentially causing up to 1,362 air pollution-related deaths and R25 billion in societal costs over 36 months at high utilization. They challenge the claim that the bypass will restore 2,160 MW, noting the plant's historical 33% capacity performance. Instead of the bypass, the campaign proposes investing the funds into solar PV and wind installations to accelerate the coal phase-out.

The document encourages newsrooms to expand climate reporting beyond science desks into business, politics, health, and social justice. It emphasizes that the climate crisis disproportionately affects poor people and people of color and argues that reporting must include actionable solutions to avoid a sense of inevitable doom. The guide provides specific inquiry prompts across eleven sectors, including health, food, housing, and migration, to help journalists visualize a greener future and hold powerful entities accountable.

The Kurna community in Kano State, Nigeria, implemented the Afforestation Drive, a locally-led adaptation project using nature-based solutions to combat extreme heat and air pollution. Led by Dr. Dahiru Muhammad Hashim and the Panacea Foundation, the initiative planted over 2,000 adaptive trees in Kurna and expanded to plant 135,382 trees across Kano State. The project utilized an open-source digital data kit for monitoring and focused on indigenous species to improve air quality, reduce respiratory diseases, and create new livelihood opportunities through fruit trading. Despite success, the project faced barriers such as government bureaucracy and lack of funding, highlighting the need for a shift from top-down climate strategies to models that devolve decision-making and resources to frontline communities.

The document demands that Japan phase out coal by 2030, end international public finance for fossil fuels, and stop promoting technologies like ammonia co-firing and carbon capture and storage, which the authors claim are ineffective and costly.

The report argues that the World Bank Group must shift from project-by-project 'greening' to a systemic transformation of its portfolio to support 1.5°C alignment. It proposes a strict taxonomy that excludes fossil gas and 'false solutions' like CCUS and nuclear power, while emphasizing a rights-based approach to ensure the energy transition does not burden marginalized communities or increase debt in low-income countries.

The document outlines a comprehensive framework of 101 sustainable finance policies categorized by three primary ambitions: speed, steer, and simplify. It provides specific recommendations across various government departments—including fiscal, trade, energy, and industrial policy—as well as for central banks and financial regulators. The guide emphasizes the need for science-based targets, the removal of fossil fuel subsidies, the use of green taxonomies, and the implementation of derisking mechanisms like blended finance to mobilize private capital for the 1.5°C transition.

The document identifies a significant financing gap for Colombia's climate goals and argues that a Just Transition requires dedicated investment in labor retraining, social protection, and regional diversification. It analyzes the current distribution of climate finance—dominated by public resources (67%)—and suggests leveraging innovative tools like sovereign green bonds and carbon tax revenues to ensure stability and equity in the transition.

The report finds that while only 34% of Americans have heard of 'climate justice', 53% support its goals after reading a description. There is significant political polarization regarding the term, but broad support among registered voters for specific policies, such as creating green spaces in low-income communities (81%) and training programs for renewable energy jobs (75%).