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The document identifies significant obstacles to Colombia's thermal coal transition, including high fiscal dependence on coal exports, limited subnational institutional capacity, and insufficient environmental regulations for mine closures. It highlights the vulnerability of the Cesar and La Guajira regions, where coal represents a major share of departmental income and employment. The brief argues that a just transition requires strengthening local governance, establishing a permanent transition fund, and ensuring inclusive planning that protects marginalized groups and the civic space.

The document analyzes how Colombia and Nigeria use narratives of development, energy security, and energy transition to maintain dependence on fossil fuels. It argues that these narratives are often inaccurate or outdated, contributing to 'carbon lock-in'. The briefing suggests that civil society and researchers can counter these claims by demanding transparency, highlighting the benefits of renewables, and promoting science-based alternatives for a just transition.

The document analyzes the economic, political, and governance challenges of phasing out coal in Indonesia, emphasizing the need for multi-level coordination, economic diversification for affected workers, and the removal of coal subsidies to enable a just energy transition.

The report analyzes the socio-economic and institutional crisis in La Jagua de Ibirico, Colombia, triggered by Prodeco's withdrawal from coal mining. It highlights severe gaps in local government powers and funding, significant environmental legacies, and the need for a coordinated national-local framework to support economic diversification and a just transition.

The report applies the 'Unlocking a Better Future' (UBF) framework to identify policy gaps in Scotland, proposing a holistic approach to transition the economy and society. It recommends strengthening human-nature connectedness, expanding nature-based education, exploring the 'Rights of Nature', and reforming national accounting to move beyond GDP. The document also emphasizes the need for a shift from top-down to bottom-up public engagement to ensure a just transition, while proposing specific indicators to track structural transformation.

The paper defines Zombie Energy Systems (ZES) as outdated, inefficient, and environmentally harmful energy assets that persist in Africa despite being obsolete. It argues that the current international focus on new renewable energy projects overlooks the necessity of decommissioning or rehabilitating these failing systems, which include ageing power plants, inefficient grids, and second-hand appliances. The authors trace the origins of ZES to colonial legacies, poor maintenance, and political corruption, and propose a holistic strategy involving comprehensive system assessments, regulatory strengthening, and local capacity building to ensure a just and effective energy transition.

The document defines environmental justice as the fair treatment and meaningful involvement of all people regardless of race or income in ensuring healthy environments. Climate justice extends these principles to address the disproportionate impacts of climate change on marginalized communities and the responsibility of wealthier nations. Energy justice frames access to clean, affordable energy as a human right and advocates for an equitable transition away from fossil fuels.

The document examines how the mechanization of sugarcane cutting and planting, alongside new technologies and expanded ethanol exports, is altering the Brazilian sugarcane sector's structure and impacting employment. It highlights the risk of a 'social catastrophe' due to job losses and suggests using carbon market sales from carbon sequestration provided by mechanized harvesting to fund worker retirement or retraining.

The 2022 Scorecard evaluates eight major private equity firms managing $3.6 trillion in assets, finding that ten of the largest buyout firms held at least 80 percent of their energy portfolios in fossil fuels as of October 2021. The Carlyle Group received the lowest grade (F), with its downstream power plants emitting over 10.8 million metric tons of carbon dioxide in 2020. Other firms including Warburg Pincus, KKR, Brookfield, Ares, Apollo, and Blackstone Group received Ds, while TPG earned a B. The report highlights a lack of transparency, noting that The Carlyle Group's TCFD report excludes its fossil-fuel-focused subsidiary, NGP Energy Capital, despite NGP contributing nearly 61 percent of the firm's profit in the first half of 2022. The authors demand that firms align with 1.5°C targets, cease fossil fuel expansion, disclose all emissions, and integrate climate and environmental justice.

The report finds significant disparities in climate progress across South Africa, with affluent cities and provinces leading in ambition while less wealthy regions lag. It highlights a one-directional influence where provincial strategies shape city policies, particularly in the Western Cape, and notes inconsistent just transition commitments within the private sector.

The document evaluates COP29's impact on Africa, highlighting the New Collective Quantified Goal on Climate Finance (NCQG) as a central but insufficient outcome. It details failures in the Just Transition Work Programme and fossil fuel phase-out commitments, while noting incremental progress in adaptation roadmaps, carbon market rules, and gender mainstreaming. The authors call for more decisive action and tangible climate justice at COP30.

The Clean Air Task Force (CATF) argues that the EU's Clean Industrial Deal must adopt a technology-neutral approach, integrating a diverse portfolio of low-carbon solutions including carbon capture, hydrogen, and small modular reactors. The brief emphasizes the need for coordinated cross-border infrastructure, particularly for CO2 transport and storage to avoid regional cost disparities, and calls for a robust funding strategy to bridge a projected €180 billion gap following the end of the Recovery and Resilience Facility in 2026. It further recommends targeted market measures, such as reforming public procurement and prioritizing clean hydrogen for hard-to-abate sectors like steel and shipping, while warning against the use of public funds for inefficient solutions like hydrogen blending.

The document argues that Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries are heavily reliant on carbon-intensive heavy industries but possess significant potential for clean industry due to renewable energy resources and carbon dioxide storage. It calls for EU industrial policy to shift toward a place-based approach that supports countries with high deployment potential regardless of their current innovation track record. Key recommendations for the EU include revising the Public Procurement Directive to include lifecycle emissions and redesigning the Innovation Fund for first-of-a-kind national deployments. For CEE national governments, the statement recommends earmarking EU ETS revenues for climate action, implementing Carbon Contracts for Difference, and conducting integrated infrastructure planning for hydrogen and carbon dioxide transport.

The document analyzes the pathway to net-zero shipping by 2050, highlighting the role of the International Maritime Organization (IMO) in implementing technical and economic measures. It emphasizes the disproportionate economic risks for shipping-reliant developing nations, such as increased logistics costs and inflationary pressures, while identifying opportunities for these countries to become producers of scalable zero-emission fuels (SZEF) like green ammonia and hydrogen.

The report evaluates how national, provincial, city, and corporate entities in South Africa incorporate social justice into their net zero commitments. It finds significant disparities in ambition and implementation, with wealthy urban centres leading and less affluent provinces lagging. While the financial sector and some state-owned enterprises show strong just transition frameworks, many private companies and multinational corporations rely on vague offsetting strategies with limited socio-economic integration.

The document advocates for a 'deep' just transition in African food systems that prioritizes human rights, structural equity, and agroecology over industrialization. It highlights the vulnerabilities of African food systems to climate change and the risks of 'modernization' policies that favor agribusiness. Using South Africa's highly unequal, industrial food system as a cautionary example, the brief recommends that philanthropies shift toward long-term, flexible funding for multi-actor coalitions, grassroots initiatives, and participatory research to foster systemic change.

The report examines the intersection of trade and climate sustainability from an African perspective, focusing on the economic impacts of energy transitions, the risks and opportunities of voluntary carbon markets, and the challenges of transition mineral value chains. It critically analyzes the role of the WTO in green trade and provides specific policy recommendations to ensure that climate-related trade measures, such as Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanisms (CBAM), do not disproportionately harm developing nations.

The African Climate Foundation outlines a strategic framework for Africa's sustainable transformation by 2030, emphasizing regional integration, green industrialization, localization, domestic capital mobilization, and governance strengthening to avoid extractive economic patterns.

The document explains that Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) are national plans submitted every five years by parties to the Paris Agreement to show their climate ambition and progress. It argues that human rights-based policies are the most effective form of climate action and an obligation for all parties. The guide urges civil society to contact governments, exercise their right to participate in the drafting process, evaluate NDCs using a provided scorecard, and hold governments accountable for implementing their promises through legal or public action.

The document serves as a toolkit for civil society to ensure that the next round of NDCs, due before COP30, are human rights-based. It argues that such policies are both a legal obligation for Parties to the Paris Agreement and the most effective form of climate action. The guide outlines four primary actions for citizens: contacting governments, participating in drafting processes, reviewing NDCs using a provided scorecard, and holding governments accountable for implementation.