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The report finds that oil- and gas-fired power plants in development increased by 13% in the last year to 783 GW, with Asia accounting for nearly two-thirds of this capacity. If built, these projects would cost an estimated US$611 billion and generate 41,239 million tonnes of CO2e lifetime emissions. The analysis highlights that China leads global development, while the United States possesses the largest existing capacity. The report further challenges the reliability of fossil fuels during extreme weather and notes that renewables with storage are now cheaper than gas-fired power in many regions, including China.

The assessment of 17 G20 long-term strategies reveals that while most members have set net zero targets—predominantly for 2050—there is a significant lack of quantitative detail regarding climate finance and specific renewable energy targets. Most strategies prioritise decarbonisation in power, buildings, agriculture, industry, and transport, with hydrogen viewed as a key opportunity. France is the only member committing to phase out fossil gas and oil exploration on its own territory, and the UK is the only one including international aviation and shipping in its net zero target. To reach net zero, G20 countries aim to reduce 2019 emissions by an average of 72-81% by 2050, relying on carbon dioxide removal (CDR) for residual emissions.

Ember critiques the TYNDP 2024 storylines for having low electrification levels and unrealistic fossil fuel price projections. The organization argues that the 'Green Ambition' (GA) and 'Distributed Energy' (DE) scenarios are not fully self-consistent and fail to align with 1.5C pathways. Ember recommends introducing a higher-ambition scenario with at least 90% emissions reduction by 2040 and urges the removal of fossil methane from heating and transport by 2050.

The report examines the transition of North Sea oil and gas producers toward net-zero or complete phase-out scenarios. It identifies government as the primary actor responsible for managing these transitions and emphasizes the need for participatory governance to overcome industry resistance. The analysis highlights that while the three countries share a geography, their different levels of economic dependency on fossil fuels lead to divergent transition stages and enabling conditions.

The report details the data sources and estimation techniques used to track G20 financial support for fossil fuels, including subsidies, state-owned enterprise (SOE) investments, and international public finance. It highlights significant data gaps and transparency issues, particularly regarding subnational support and Chinese SOE reporting, and explains the methods used to approximate 2022 subsidy levels during the energy crisis.

The report examines the transition of North Sea oil and gas producers toward net-zero or complete phase-out scenarios. It highlights that while the region shares geography, the three countries are at different stages of transition due to varying economic dependencies on fossil fuels. The authors argue that government must lead these transitions through state intervention, the deployment of clean technologies like offshore wind and CCS, and the creation of participatory governance structures to overcome industry resistance and ensure social equity for workers.

The paper analyzes 156 peer-reviewed research papers on energy transition modeling in Africa, finding that most studies focus on energy mix and emissions pathways while neglecting socio-economic development and advanced low-carbon technologies.

The document argues that the EU Innovation Fund's current overhaul risks funding projects with marginal abatement potential due to outdated benchmarks. It recommends updating reference points to target the highest emission-reduction potential, making resource saving a mandatory criterion for support, and prioritizing economy-wide scalability over local or sectoral scalability to ensure true sustainability.

The Southeast Asian Working Group on Fossil Gas and Energy Transition argues that Vietnam's PDP8 fails to provide a genuine energy transition by maintaining significant roles for coal and fossil gas. While the plan increases renewable capacity to over 70 GW by 2030, the group claims the resulting renewable share of 30.9% to 39% is lackluster. The group specifically warns against the 'meteoric rise' of LNG and the use of ammonia and hydrogen as transition fuels, calling on international financiers to stop promoting gas and instead support a 1.5°C-aligned transition through the Just Energy Transition Partnership (JETP).

The guide outlines three federal funding pools for US clean industrial projects: the Office of Clean Energy Demonstration (OCED) providing grants up to 50% of costs for non-commercial technologies; the Loan Programs Office (LPO) offering up to $412 billion in loan authority to bridge projects to bankability; and various uncapped Section 45 tax credits for hydrogen, heavy industry, and carbon management. It emphasizes the role of these incentives in enabling the creation of 'clean industrial hubs' and the necessity of coordinating federal, state, and private capital to realize these projects.

The review finds that energy transition modeling in Africa is a rapidly growing field, yet it is dominated by researchers based outside the continent and largely ignores the nexus between decarbonization and socio-economic development. Most models focus on global targets (2030/2050) and techno-economic optimization, while neglecting political constraints, comprehensive transition costs, and a diverse range of low-carbon technologies like nuclear and carbon capture.

The revised General Block Exemption Regulation (GBER), approved on 9 March 2023 and applicable until the end of 2026, allows EU Member States to grant State aid for green transition projects without prior European Commission notification if specific conditions are met. While it introduces new support for clean mobility, biodiversity restoration, and renewable energy communities, it also maintains loopholes for fossil gas through high-efficiency cogeneration, gas-fired district heating, and carbon capture, use and storage (CCUS). The regulation significantly raises financial notification thresholds and aid intensity rates to accelerate the Green Deal Industrial Plan, though it lacks an explicit 'energy efficiency first' principle and faces criticism for poor transparency in aid reporting.

The Ontario Energy Board (OEB) took the unusual step of rejecting Enbridge Gas's $123.7 million Saint-Laurent Ottawa Nord pipeline project, citing the City of Ottawa's electrification plans and a projected decline in natural gas demand. The document explores how this decision challenges traditional utility business models—where returns are often based on pipeline mileage rather than gas volume—and highlights the risk of 'stranded assets' if new infrastructure is built despite decarbonization goals. It further discusses Enbridge's five-year plan, which advocates for a 'diversified' scenario including low-carbon gas and hydrogen, contrasting this with the City of Ottawa's preference for integrated energy planning to meet climate targets.

The Ontario Energy Board (OEB) denied Enbridge Gas's $123.7-million St. Laurent North pipeline project, citing Ottawa's community electrification plan and reduced future gas demand. This decision highlights a tension between traditional utility business models—which reward infrastructure ownership—and the shift toward net-zero emissions. The case underscores the need for integrated resource planning (IRP) and raises concerns about the risk of stranded assets being passed on to ratepayers as Ontario transitions away from fossil fuels.

Barbados is partnering with Sustainable Energy for All (SEforALL) to create an Energy Transition and Investment Plan (ETIP). This plan aims to transition the island from a heavy reliance on imported fossil fuels—which accounted for nearly 95 percent of the energy mix in 2019—toward 100 percent renewable energy and full electrification of transport. The initiative focuses on evaluating technological pathways, scoping investment needs, and addressing human capacity gaps to ensure a just transition and energy independence.

The Canadian Climate Institute views the 2023 federal budget as a strategic response to the US Inflation Reduction Act, utilizing investment tax credits, the Canada Growth Fund, and the Canada Infrastructure Bank to mobilize private capital for clean energy. Key priorities include clean electricity, hydrogen production, and climate resilience funding.

The Canadian Climate Institute identifies two primary priorities for Budget 2023: attracting clean investment to compete with the U.S. Inflation Reduction Act and expanding the national electricity system. The Institute recommends using carbon contracts for difference to leverage carbon pricing and implementing investment tax credits and 'electric federalism' to modernize electricity infrastructure.

The Canadian Climate Institute identifies two main priorities for the 2023 federal budget: attracting clean investment to compete with the US Inflation Reduction Act and expanding the electrical grid. It recommends using carbon contracts for difference instead of direct subsidies and implementing an 'electro-federalism' approach to coordinate grid improvements with provinces.

Natural gas is the fastest growing source of CO2 emissions from fossil fuels, with methane leakage potentially making its climate impact equivalent to coal. To align with the 1.5°C goal, global gas production and consumption must decrease by 30% by 2030 and 65% by 2050, with developed countries phasing out gas power by 2035. The document rejects the use of gas as a bridge fuel or a solution to the 2022 energy crisis, noting that expanding infrastructure creates stranded asset risks, particularly for non-OECD countries. It further argues that converting gas infrastructure to hydrogen is technically unproven and economically inefficient, and highlights severe public health risks associated with gas extraction, flaring, and domestic use.

The document demands that Japan phase out coal by 2030, end international public finance for fossil fuels, and stop promoting technologies like ammonia co-firing and carbon capture and storage, which the authors claim are ineffective and costly.