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A global network of women leaders from business, politics, and civil society urges world leaders to accelerate carbon pollution reduction. They demand that by 2025, governments increase NDC ambition to align with the 1.5°C limit, phase out fossil fuels, triple renewables, double energy efficiency, halt deforestation, and mobilize public and private finance, particularly for the Global South.

The report evaluates several major global climate pledges, finding that most are currently off-track. While there are isolated successes—such as the UK closing its last coal plant and growth in electric car sales—critical goals like tripling renewable energy by 2030 and halting deforestation are not being met. The document highlights a significant gap between high-level commitments and implementation, particularly in the financial sector where net-zero plans are deemed insufficient and fossil fuel subsidies have reached record highs. It calls for a shift from loose networks to platforms of accountability as countries develop their next round of Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) for 2025.

A coalition of climate, environmental, and faith-based organizations is calling on the Biden Administration to support a New Collective Quantified Goal (NCQG) of at least $1 trillion USD per year for developing countries. The group argues that this funding should be primarily grant-based to avoid increasing debt in low-income nations and should cover mitigation, adaptation, and loss and damage. They suggest funding these goals through innovative sources like taxes on polluting companies' excess profits and reforming the international multilateral finance architecture, including the use of IMF Special Drawing Rights.

The report highlights that G20 fossil fuel reserves contain over a trillion tons of CO2 equivalent, which would exceed the 2ºC carbon budget if fully extracted. It notes that emissions from G20 fossil fuel extraction nearly doubled between the 1992 Rio Summit and 2020. Despite this, the document argues that G20 economies have become less dependent on fossil fuel rents over the last three decades, making them better equipped to transition. It specifically identifies the USA, Canada, Australia, the UK, Germany, and Italy as being best placed to transition first and fastest.

The report argues that a Fossil Fuel Non-Proliferation Treaty can catalyze the financing necessary for a global just transition by establishing new funding regimes, creating state obligations, and supporting parallel financial reforms. It categorizes potential solutions into three clusters: debt management, new forms of finance and investment, and the replacement of fossil fuel revenues. The authors emphasize that wealthy nations must assume historical responsibility by ending extraction first and providing financial support to low and middle-income countries (LMICs) to diversify their economies.

The November 2024 update reveals a three-year stagnation in global warming projections, with current policies setting the world on a path toward 2.7°C of warming by 2100. While renewable energy and electric vehicle deployment have seen record growth, these gains are offset by all-time high fossil fuel subsidies and increased funding for fossil fuel projects. The report warns that without a substantial increase in the ambition of 2030 and 2035 targets, the 1.5°C limit will likely be breached in the early 2030s, leading to a multidecadal overshoot.

The document refutes the claim that Canada can obtain internationally transferred mitigation outcomes (ITMOs) under Article 6.2 of the Paris Agreement by exporting LNG. It asserts that such exports likely do not reduce global emissions and that foreign buyers would not provide credits for free. The brief further notes that using Article 6.2 for coal-to-LNG switching would be a costly subsidy for domestic gas producers and would violate commitments against subsidizing fossil fuels abroad.

Global climate finance more than doubled between 2018 and 2022, reaching USD 1.46 trillion in 2022, yet remains far below the USD 7.4 trillion annual average needed by 2030 for a 1.5°C scenario. Mitigation finance dominates the landscape, driven by renewable energy and electric vehicles in advanced economies and China, while adaptation finance, though growing, remains severely underfunded, particularly for Least Developed Countries (LDCs) and Small Island Developing States (SIDS). The report highlights a critical imbalance, noting that fossil fuel subsidies reached USD 1.4 trillion in 2022, nearly equaling total climate finance. It recommends reforming the global financial architecture through increased concessional finance, risk mitigation, and the redirection of fossil fuel expenditures to close the investment gap.

The report finds that international concessional climate finance grew by 50% from 2019 to reach USD 81 billion in 2022, though it remains small compared to fossil fuel subsidies. Sub-Saharan Africa is the primary recipient of these flows. The analysis highlights a gap in adaptation finance and a lack of standardized impact metrics. Domestic concessional finance is heavily concentrated in high-income economies, particularly Western Europe, and focuses primarily on mitigation. The report recommends redirecting fossil fuel subsidies, targeting fragile and conflict-affected states, and streamlining project approval processes to enhance efficiency.

The document examines the proposed regulatory framework to cap GHG emissions in Canada's oil and gas sector. It argues that existing carbon pricing is insufficient to incentivize decarbonization, as profit margins for production remain higher than those for emissions reductions. While the cap is deemed necessary for Canada to meet its Paris Agreement goals, the author warns that a 25-million-tonne 'compliance flexibility' cushion—comprising a Decarbonization Fund, domestic offsets, and Internationally Transferred Mitigation Outcomes (ITMOs)—could dilute the cap's impact by up to 25%. The brief specifically cautions against the use of ITMOs for LNG exports, citing risks of double counting, lack of additionality, and potential fossil fuel subsidies.

G20 governments provided at least USD 168 billion in public financial support for renewable power in 2023, which is less than one third of the USD 535 billion provided in fossil fuel subsidies that same year. Advanced G20 economies and China provided 95% of this support, primarily targeting solar and wind energy. To achieve the COP 28 goal of tripling renewable energy capacity by 2030, annual public support may need to double to approximately USD 336 billion.

Ember proposes four key actions for the EU Energy Commissioner: a "Smart Electrification" Action Plan to shift subsidies toward clean technologies, a "Future Grids" Task Force to implement existing grid policies, a joint DG ENER-DG AGRI strategy for agri-PV to align energy and agricultural policies, and a transition to open energy data and system models to improve transparency and investment decisions.

The document examines how preferential trade agreements (PTAs) can be designed to accelerate the green transition and influence WTO policy. It identifies three key areas for climate-focused provisions—fossil fuel subsidies, environmental goods and services, and investment protections—while noting that many current PTA provisions remain vague. The authors recommend focusing on win-win solutions, increasing non-state actor participation, boosting capacity building for low- and middle-income countries, improving impact assessments, and strengthening enforcement mechanisms. Finally, it suggests that PTAs can act as testing grounds for innovative rules that can later be multilateralized through WTO initiatives like the Trade and Environmental Sustainability Structured Discussions (TESSD).

The global bioeconomy, currently valued at US$4-5 trillion with potential growth to US$30 trillion by 2050, is presented as a critical complement to clean tech for achieving a just transition. The document identifies significant financing barriers, including perverse fossil fuel subsidies and limited risk capital in the Global South, while proposing a suite of sustainable finance instruments—such as nature credits and sustainability-linked financing—to bridge these gaps. It advocates for an integrated approach combining national strategies with international cooperation, specifically through the G20, to establish common principles, measurement standards, and trade rules that protect biodiversity and the rights of Indigenous Peoples and Local Communities.

The briefing links the increased frequency and intensity of US extreme weather events, such as the July 2023 heatwave and August 2024 California wildfires, to climate change driven by fossil fuels. It highlights that US oil and gas production emissions rose roughly 42% between 2011 and 2022 and notes that 88 large fossil fuel and cement companies are responsible for 48% of the rise in fire-danger conditions in the region. The document argues for corporate accountability, citing a Climate Analytics estimate that the 12 most polluting companies are responsible for USD 15 trillion in economic damages from 1985 to 2018. While the US has seen significant growth in solar and wind capacity and electric vehicle sales, primary energy consumption remains dominated by petroleum (38%), natural gas (36%), and coal (9%) as of 2023.

In a speech delivered on 4 July 2024, WTO Deputy Director-General Jean-Marie Paugam outlines the evolving relationship between the WTO and environmental protection. He notes a paradigm shift where climate change is now actively disrupting trade, citing examples like the Panama Canal drought. While the WTO has made progress through the 2022 Ministerial Declaration and the Fisheries Subsidies Agreement, Paugam warns that uncoordinated national actions—such as the nearly 70 carbon tax schemes in development and varying green steel standards—risk fragmenting world trade. He advocates for a "reglobalization" approach that combines green industrialization with trade cooperation, suggesting the WTO may need to adopt new rule-making models, including plurilateral commitments or non-binding frameworks similar to the Paris Agreement, to remain relevant.

The policy brief outlines three core principles for the implementation of the EU's Social Climate Fund (SCF): ensuring meaningful public participation, prioritising structural solutions over temporary relief to avoid fossil fuel lock-ins, and mobilising additional financing beyond the mandatory 25% contribution. It argues that the SCF's budget of EUR 65 billion is insufficient to tackle the root causes of energy and transport poverty and calls for the redirection of ETS revenues and the elimination of fossil fuel subsidies to support vulnerable households.

The report applies tipping point theory to the energy transition, arguing that while solar and wind have reached cost parity with fossil fuels globally, systemic barriers persist in many emerging market and developing economies (EMDEs). It proposes a holistic policy framework to 'force' tipping by amplifying positive feedbacks (e.g., reducing cost of capital), removing negative feedbacks (e.g., fossil fuel subsidy reform), and creating enabling conditions (e.g., grid modernization). The authors emphasize that public finance, especially international concessional funding, is critical to overcome high capital costs and infrastructure gaps in the Global South to meet the goal of tripling renewable energy capacity by 2030.

The report finds that the Government of Canada is providing an inefficient fossil fuel subsidy to the oil industry by charging transportation tolls on the Trans Mountain Pipeline (TMP) that are significantly below marketplace costs. Using three different valuation methods, the report estimates the total subsidy to be between CAD 8.7 billion and CAD 18.8 billion, which translates to a cost of CAD 581 to CAD 1,255 per Canadian household. The analysis concludes that the project fails all criteria for an 'efficient' subsidy and that the overall cost-benefit analysis shows a net cost to Canada of CAD 23.1 billion. To phase out this subsidy, the author recommends either raising tolls to economic levels or implementing a cost-recovery levy of CAD 1.00 to CAD 2.00 per barrel on Western Canadian oil shipments.

The report finds that G20 governments provided at least USD 168 billion in public financial support for renewable power in 2023, which is less than one third of the USD 535 billion provided in fossil fuel subsidies. Advanced economies and China account for 95% of this support, leaving many emerging market and developing economies (EMDEs) at risk. To meet the 2030 tripling target, public support in G20 countries may need to double to approximately USD 336 billion per year. The report highlights a shift from feed-in tariffs toward market-based mechanisms like auctions and a growing emphasis on domestic manufacturing support in the US, EU, and India.