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The authors argue that the UN climate process is outdated and allows powerful countries and polluting industries to block ambition. They propose four key reforms: implementing majority voting when consensus fails, enforcing strict conflict-of-interest rules to exclude fossil fuel lobbyists, establishing meaningful accountability and compliance mechanisms for state commitments, and guaranteeing human rights and transparency in negotiations.

COP30 in Belém, Brazil, is positioned as a critical inflection point for the global climate regime, occurring ten years after the Paris Agreement. The briefing highlights a tension between the summit's goals and local environmental degradation, such as the construction of the Avenida Liberdade expressway through a rainforest protection area and Brazil's pursuit of oil exploration in the Equatorial Margin. Key negotiation priorities include updated NDCs, the operationalization of the Loss and Damage Fund, and a new collective quantified goal for climate finance estimated at USD 1.3 trillion per year by 2035. The document also underscores the influence of non-state actors, such as YOUNGO and the Women and Gender Constituency, and argues that recent advisory opinions from the ICJ and IACHR have transformed climate action from a political choice into a binding legal responsibility for states.

A guide published by CIEL and other organizations detailing how the International Court of Justice's July 2025 Advisory Opinion on climate change obligations can be used by negotiators at COP30 to increase climate ambition and accountability.

The statement asserts that climate change is a justice issue, as historically wealthy industrialized nations caused the crisis while disadvantaged communities in the Global South suffer disproportionately. It argues that 'communication and information deficits'—such as limited media access and a lack of public interest journalism—prevent the knowledge of affected communities from reaching policymakers. To address this, the World Association for Christian Communication (WACC) proposes several measures, including promoting ICT access for Indigenous groups and supporting the sharing of traditional ecological knowledge, which it will present at COP30.

The Just Transition Compass serves as a non-prescriptive guide to move Just Transitions from high-level dialogue to concrete implementation. It defines core principles of distributive, procedural, and restorative justice, identifies systemic barriers to national implementation—such as limited subnational capacity and siloed finance—and analyzes the political tensions within the UNFCCC's Just Transition Work Programme (JTWP). The report advocates for a permanent international coordination mechanism to align fragmented efforts, manage the cross-border impacts of unilateral trade measures like the EU's CBAM, and mobilize private capital through sustainable finance taxonomies.

The Just Transition Compass establishes a framework to move from high-level climate commitments to scalable, justice-focused implementation. It identifies four core elements of a just transition—restorative, distributive, procedural, and climate justice—and argues that domestic transitions require international cooperation to avoid economic spillovers and financial inequalities. The document proposes the creation of a permanent Just Transition Coordination Unit within the UNFCCC to reduce fragmentation, align financial flows, and provide capacity support to countries.

The Green Climate Fund (GCF) reports a portfolio of USD 19.3 billion and USD 59.3 billion in co-financing over its first ten years, reaching 249 million people through adaptation projects. The Fund is pursuing a '50by30' vision to manage a USD 50 billion portfolio by 2030, with a programming target of USD 8-9 billion in 2030. Key achievements include reducing 95.9 million tonnes of CO2 equivalent and restoring 33.2 million hectares of ecosystems. The report highlights ten case studies across various sectors, including wind energy in Djibouti, coastal protection in Tuvalu, and climate-smart agriculture in the Aral Sea Basin, emphasizing a shift toward systemic, locally-led transformation.

The report finds that while Kenya has successfully increased its renewable electricity generation to 87% by 2022, the transition lacks policy coherence regarding affordability and equity. High electricity tariffs, driven by infrastructure investments and a distribution monopoly, hinder industrial competitiveness and limit energy access for vulnerable groups. The analysis identifies a significant trade-off between coal-based industrialization goals and climate mitigation targets, though the latter has gained dominance due to international financial pressure. Institutional barriers, including corruption and limited resources for social equity, further impede a just transition.

Nigeria's climate agenda is hampered by overlapping institutions and a lack of elite consensus, which diminishes its bargaining power internationally. While the Tinubu administration has attempted to centralize governance through the Office of the Special Presidential Envoy on Climate (OSPEC) and the Presidential Climate Action Committee (PCAC), these moves risk further fragmentation by sidelining statutory bodies like the National Council on Climate Change (NCCC). Externally, Nigeria faces declining oil exports to China and India and increased competition from the US in European markets, intensifying the need for a successful energy transition. The report highlights a trend of International Oil Companies (IOCs) divesting from onshore assets due to regulatory instability, while noting that agile local firms are better positioned to navigate domestic complexities.

Plan 1.5 argues that the South Korean government's current 2035 NDC consultation process is biased toward industrial interests and excludes marginalized groups. The organization highlights that approximately 95% of online public submissions demand a 65% reduction target aligned with the 1.5°C goal, while criticizing the 50% range as unconstitutional and insufficient.

The document is a youth declaration from Indonesia calling for an energy transition that prioritizes human rights and ecological sustainability over corporate profit. It argues that the climate crisis is a result of power imbalances and economic greed, and demands that energy be treated as a right rather than a commodity. The declaration specifically rejects 'green' development projects that lead to the exploitation of community living spaces and natural resources, advocating instead for a transition driven by grassroots solidarity and local community energy initiatives.

The EU's Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM) is designed to prevent carbon leakage and encourage global decarbonisation by imposing levies on high-emitting imports. While facing criticism from BRICS nations as a protectionist barrier, the CBAM's design allows for the deduction of carbon prices already paid in the country of origin. This has led several countries, including India, China, Brazil, and Vietnam, to strategically develop or expand domestic carbon markets or taxes to ensure that carbon revenues are retained domestically rather than paid to the EU. Modelling indicates that if domestic prices reach 50% of the EU's price, countries like India could retain EUR 676 million annually.

The document outlines expert perspectives on how climate damages exacerbate inequality and identifies three primary equity risks associated with carbon dioxide removal (CDR): moral hazard, the use of removed CO2 for enhanced oil recovery, and negative social or environmental impacts.

The report details a seminar in Brasília where social movements and civil society organizations critiqued the current energy transition as an expansion of an extractivist system. Participants argued that a truly just transition must be grounded in climate justice, human rights, and territorial sovereignty, emphasizing the need for meaningful participation and the protection of Indigenous and traditional lands to avoid creating new 'sacrifice zones'.

The report examines four EU climate regulations—the Carbon Border Adjustment Mechanism (CBAM), the EU Deforestation Regulation (EUDR), the EU ETS for Shipping, and Methane Regulations—and their disproportionate effects on African economies. It highlights risks such as GDP reduction, loss of export revenue, and increased maritime costs, while calling for financial support, technical capacity building, and a shift toward global rather than unilateral regulatory frameworks.

The document provides a comprehensive analysis of the IACtHR's Advisory Opinion OC-32/25, which recognizes the right to a healthy climate as an autonomous and justiciable right. It details the court's findings on the obligations of states to mitigate greenhouse gas emissions, adapt to climate impacts, and cooperate internationally. The report emphasizes the recognition of Nature as a subject of rights and the establishment of a reinforced due diligence standard for preventing climate damage. It also explores the specific protections required for vulnerable groups, including indigenous peoples, LGBTIQ+ individuals, persons with disabilities, and future generations, while outlining the necessity of comprehensive climate reparations and environmental democracy.

The document critiques debt-for-nature swaps (DNS) as a 'green trap' that prioritizes creditor profits over biodiversity and sovereignty. It asserts that these mechanisms reinforce a cycle of extractivism and austerity in the Global South, where governments are forced to prioritize debt servicing over social and ecological investments. The author calls for the cancellation of illegitimate debts and a radical overhaul of the global financial architecture based on justice and reparation.

The document critiques debt-for-nature swaps (EDN), asserting they are a 'green' facade for an unjust financial system. It argues that these mechanisms reinforce financial dependence, facilitate the privatization of common goods, and shift control of territories to foreign NGOs and private actors. The text highlights a 'vicious circle' where debt repayment forces countries toward extractivism and austerity, while modern EDN structures—often involving 'blue' or 'green' bonds—replace old debts with more opaque loans from international entities.

Friends of the Earth International argues that environmental rights are human rights and should form an autonomous basis for corporate liability in the UN Legally Binding Instrument. The document provides textual suggestions to ensure TNCs are obligated to prevent environmental harm, phase out emissions, and provide full ecological restoration, moving beyond voluntary due diligence and ESG frameworks.

The policy brief by Friends of the Earth International advocates for a UN Binding Treaty to replace corporate self-regulation with enforceable legal obligations for transnational corporations (TNCs). It argues that TNCs across sectors like fossil fuels and agribusiness have driven the climate crisis and used 'green' branding to evade responsibility. The brief outlines five key recommendations: recognizing environmental rights as human rights, establishing direct corporate obligations for global value chains and emissions, mandating prevention and precaution measures, ensuring full ecological reparation and restoration, and rejecting ESG schemes as 'false solutions'.