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The Green European Journal (July 2015) examines the systemic failures of the EU, including the Greek debt crisis, the refugee crisis, and the dominance of neoliberal technocracy. It advocates for a 'radicalisation of democracy' and a transition toward a degrowth economy. The document critiques the EU's climate contributions for COP 21 as insufficiently ambitious and calls for a reduction in energy dependency on Russia. It emphasizes the need for Green parties to reconnect with grassroots social movements and a 'trans-European' approach to identity and politics.

The policy brief addresses the 'predictability problem' of public climate finance, where funding is often subject to the political caprice of national budgeting processes. It proposes three plans to secure more reliable funding: 'Plan A' involves international levies on aviation and maritime emissions; 'Plan B' suggests earmarking domestic sources like financial transaction taxes or air passenger duties; and 'Plan C' proposes sub-national contributions from entities like California and Quebec. The author advocates for a 'Development Gold Standard' where governments set aside 2% of carbon instrument revenues for the most vulnerable countries, specifically targeting the under-funded Least Developed Country Fund (LDCF).

The report assesses the global climate finance landscape, highlighting the critical role of public finance in catalyzing private investment. It examines various financial tools—including green bonds, carbon pricing, and risk mitigation instruments—and analyzes the performance of multilateral development banks and bilateral agencies. The document emphasizes that while global flows have increased, significant gaps remain in tracking private finance and achieving the USD 100 billion goal due to low carbon prices and a lack of stable enabling environments in developing nations.

The United States can meet its target of reducing greenhouse gas emissions by 26–28 percent below 2005 levels by 2025 through a combination of existing federal laws and state actions. The report proposes a 10-point action plan focusing on the power sector, energy efficiency, HFCs, and methane reduction. For deeper reductions beyond 2025, the authors argue that new legislation, such as a carbon price, could reduce emissions by 40–42 percent by 2030 and 50–53 percent by 2040 without sacrificing robust economic growth.

The policy brief argues that current carbon pricing mechanisms, which use free allowances to prevent carbon leakage in industrial sectors, eliminate the price signal for mitigation beyond primary production efficiency. To address this, the authors propose 'Inclusion of Consumption,' where a consumption charge is levied on carbon-intensive materials (such as steel, aluminum, and clinker) based on benchmark emission values and the carbon price. This charge would apply to all domestic consumption regardless of origin, making it compatible with WTO law. The mechanism would use duty suspension arrangements to track materials through the value chain, with the charge becoming due only when the good is released for consumption. The brief notes precedents in Asia (South Korea, China, Tokyo) regarding electricity consumption and discusses potential implementation in Europe and the United States.

The report examines the concept of 'Green Growth' and its potential to unblock international climate negotiations. It identifies a lack of a unified definition among stakeholders—including economists, the private sector, and civil society—and notes that while some developing nations have adopted the framework, major powers like the US, China, and the EU have not. The document argues that the narrative can gain traction by evidencing climate co-benefits and aligning with the Intended National Determined Contributions (INDC) process. Case studies from Brazil, India, and Colombia illustrate how these principles are applied domestically, though challenges such as low loan take-up in Brazil and the need for affordable technology in India persist.

The document examines carbon pricing mechanisms, specifically carbon taxes and cap-and-trade programs, as a core strategy for reducing greenhouse gas emissions in the United States. It details design features such as scope, point of regulation, and cost-containment mechanisms, while analyzing various ways to utilize generated revenues—including tax cuts, deficit reduction, and dividends—to offset economic impacts and increase political viability. The authors argue that a well-designed carbon price can provide a 'double dividend' of environmental benefit and economic efficiency.

The document examines the challenges European Green parties face in reconciling non-violence with the need to protect human rights in conflict zones. It argues for a shift in EU foreign policy from reactive crisis management to a proactive, multilateral approach that prioritizes ecological justice, nuclear disarmament, and the empowerment of civil society. Specific analyses cover the conflicts in Ukraine, Syria, and the Maghreb, as well as the strategic importance of South East Asia.

The report analyzes Indonesia's transition to a fuel pricing system that passes through international oil price changes to reduce wasteful subsidies, which saved IDR 195 trillion (US$ 15.6 billion) in the 2015 State Budget Revision. It compares Indonesia's historically low fuel prices with those of Southeast Asian nations and BRICS economies, noting that Indonesia's prices were among the lowest globally until recent reforms. The document outlines 'good practice' dimensions for pricing systems—subsidies, pass-through, transparency, and enforcement—and examines specific mechanisms used in China, India, Mexico, the Philippines, South Africa, and Thailand. It suggests that Indonesia manage price volatility not through subsidies, but via variable taxes, targeted social assistance, improved supply efficiency, and reduced energy demand.

The report analyzes Indonesia's transition from ad hoc fuel subsidies to a new pricing system introduced in January 2015, which aims to reduce wasteful spending by passing through international price changes. It evaluates 'good practice' across four dimensions—subsidies, pass-through, transparency, and enforcement—and examines case studies from China, Mexico, India, the Philippines, South Africa, and Thailand. The document argues that while full deregulation is the international benchmark for fiscal sustainability, Indonesia's constitutional constraints necessitate a robust, government-led mechanism. It recommends adopting variable taxes, improving real-time monitoring, and investing in non-pricing measures such as energy efficiency and targeted social safety nets to protect vulnerable groups from price volatility.

The 2024 data for Alabama indicates that while a majority of residents (62%) believe global warming is occurring, there is a split in perception regarding its cause, with 51% attributing it to human activities. Support for clean energy transitions and renewable energy research is notable, with 57% supporting a transition to 100% clean energy by 2050 and 72% supporting renewable energy research. Risk perceptions are significant, as 54% of residents are worried about global warming and 61% believe it will harm future generations and animal species.

The document serves as a guide for public and stakeholder consultations to update Manitoba's climate strategy. It reviews the province's failure to meet its 2012 GHG reduction targets, analyzes sectoral emission drivers—notably the high relative contribution of agriculture—and proposes principles for a new plan that integrates mitigation with a stronger focus on adaptation. It also highlights opportunities for a green economy based on Manitoba's clean energy resources and bioproducts potential.

The document outlines Manitoba's current emissions profile, its history of climate action, and the need for a new integrated plan for mitigation and adaptation. It examines policies from other jurisdictions regarding larger emitters and proposes principles for Manitoba's future strategy, including the development of mandatory GHG reporting regulations.

The report finds that while Democrats are more likely than Republicans to believe in human-caused global warming and support climate action, liberal and moderate Republicans often align with the mainstream public. Conservative Republicans remain the primary group opposed to climate action and skeptical of global warming. There is broad cross-party support for renewable energy research and tax rebates for energy-efficient products, though significant divisions persist regarding carbon taxes and emission limits on coal plants.

The South African energy efficiency market is driven by constrained electricity supply, rising tariffs, and government targets, such as the National Energy Efficiency Strategy (NEES) 2005 goal of reducing primary energy consumption by 12% by 2015. The market is served by consultants, technology suppliers, and Energy Service Companies (ESCos), with the latter's market estimated by the IDC to potentially reach R8 billion per annum by 2022. In the Western Cape, the market is projected to reach R1.3 billion by 2019, supporting approximately 1,000 jobs. Key challenges include accessing funding, though various tax incentives (e.g., S12I, S12L) and grants are available. The regulatory landscape is complex, involving multiple departments and standards (SANS) to mandate efficiency in buildings and appliances.

The International Institute for Sustainable Development (IISD) argues that while the Arctic possesses vast renewable energy reserves and successful technology tests, adoption remains slow. To accelerate this transition, the IISD proposes clear long-term targets, the phase-out of fossil fuel subsidies—specifically subsidized diesel—and the establishment of public-private partnerships funded by environmental taxes.

The United States and China have announced new climate targets to align with the European Union as the world's top three emitters. The U.S. aims to reduce greenhouse gas emissions by 26-28 percent from 2005 levels by 2025, which would require doubling annual reduction rates. China intends to peak carbon dioxide emissions around 2030 and increase non-fossil fuel energy consumption to around 20 percent by 2030. Both countries' targets represent a deviation from business-as-usual trajectories, though achieving a long-term 2-degree-C trajectory will require more aggressive policies, such as carbon pricing and stronger regulation of power plants.

The analysis of the 2014 People’s Climate March reveals that participants were primarily motivated by group affiliation, personal passion, and professional relevance. Key messages focused on replacing fossil fuels with clean energy, corporate accountability, and government influence. When associating global warming with specific imagery, participants frequently cited melting ice, floods, and catastrophe, while identifying solar power, people power, and carbon taxes as primary solutions.

Botswana possesses 212 billion tonnes of coal, offering potential for economic diversification away from diamonds. However, the document argues that a coal export industry is likely economically unfeasible due to massive infrastructure costs—specifically a proposed $10 billion railway to Namibia—and environmental constraints. Instead, the author suggests that integrating regional fossil fuels for electricity production could address Southern Africa's power crisis, provided there is political cooperation, particularly from South Africa, and until solar baseload power becomes a viable alternative.

The Center for International Environmental Law (CIEL) argues that the Norwegian Government Pension Fund Global (GPFG) faces significant legal, financial, and reputational risks due to its investments in fossil fuel companies. CIEL highlights that GPFG invests in 44 of the 90 'Carbon Majors' responsible for 63% of industrial greenhouse gas emissions from 1854-2010, increasing the likelihood of successful climate change litigation. The document specifically calls for immediate divestment from coal, citing the industry's financial decline, systemic demand drops in the US, and severe environmental and human rights abuses in India and China. Furthermore, CIEL asserts that continued fossil fuel investment contradicts Norway's international obligations under the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change and its commitment to inter-generational equity.