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The document examines the governance of marine and coastal resources in the Western Indian Ocean (WIO), emphasizing the need for integrated coastal management (ICM) and coastal and marine spatial planning (CMSP) to balance economic growth with biodiversity conservation. It highlights the role of marine protected areas (MPAs) and locally managed marine areas (LMMAs) in securing ecosystem services and supporting livelihoods. The author argues that for the 'Blue Economy' to be sustainable, conservation must be integrated into development agendas through economic valuations of natural capital and inclusive, community-based management to avoid 'ocean grabbing' and ensure equitable benefit-sharing.

The document defines vertical integration in the context of National Adaptation Plans (NAPs) as the creation of strategic links between national and subnational levels of climate adaptation. It argues that involving subnational actors—including local authorities, organizations, and communities—is essential for integrating climate adaptation into policies and supporting vulnerable groups. The process relies on three key enabling factors: institutional agreements, information exchange, and capacity development. Furthermore, the text highlights that existing national decentralization efforts provide a critical foundation for this integration, as they establish the necessary mechanisms for transferring resources and decision-making power to the lowest feasible administrative level.

The document details how a network of officials and politicians captured the Nelson Mandela Bay Metropolitan Municipality, specifically within the Human Settlements and Integrated Public Transport System (IPTS) departments. It describes the use of 'deviations' in procurement to funnel funds to a small pool of contractors and the role of political factions within the ANC in enabling this corruption. The author analyzes these events through frameworks of neo-patrimonialism and the 'political marketplace,' noting that such capture led to administrative decay, financial crises, and a loss of public trust, eventually resulting in a decline in ANC electoral support in the 2016 elections. The paper concludes by evaluating a 2015 intervention led by Mayor Danny Jordaan and the National Department of Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs (COGTA) to restore accountability and clean up the administration.

The report details how systemic governance failures by the DMR and DWS in Mpumalanga have led to widespread environmental degradation, health crises in mining communities, and threats to water and food security. It highlights the lack of enforcement, a culture of secrecy, and the conflict of interest inherent in the DMR's dual mandate to promote and regulate mining.

The document examines the complex hybrid of customary and statutory landholding systems across Africa, utilizing data from the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). It highlights that while weak property rights hinder economic growth and agricultural productivity, the administrative costs and institutional limitations of full formal titling make it an impractical immediate solution. Instead, the author proposes a gradual approach: strengthening informal tenure security, improving state administrative capacity through computerization, and investing in rural infrastructure to boost land value and productivity.

The document examines the systemic overlap between political party officials, government officials, and the business sector in Mozambique, a phenomenon termed 'interwovenness'. It argues that the ruling party, Frelimo, has captured state power, leading to a culture of patronage and cronyism where state resources are exploited for party interests. While Mozambique has established various anti-corruption laws and institutions, such as the GCCC and the Law on Public Integrity, the brief contends that these are poorly implemented due to a lack of political will and the influence of Frelimo over the legislature and judiciary. The author highlights specific vulnerabilities in the extractive industries and foreign investment contracts, which are exempt from public procurement transparency rules. The brief recommends that the government publicise extractive industry concessions, that civil society increase its monitoring of business deals, and that the APRM Panel of Eminent Persons push for the domestication of the AU Convention against Corruption.

The report analyzes the growth and effectiveness of voluntary sustainability standards (VSS) in the seafood industry, noting that certified production grew from 0.5% of global production in 2003 to 14% in 2015. While wild catch certification is dominated by the MSC and FOS, aquaculture certification is led by GLOBALG.A.P. and ASC. The analysis reveals a strong emphasis on environmental criteria, particularly ecosystem integrity, but a significant lack of social and economic requirements, especially in wild catch fisheries. Governance is characterized by a high concentration of developed-country and male representation on boards, and a general lack of responsiveness to smallholder needs. The report argues that while VSS provide essential traceability and assurance, their ability to drive comprehensive sustainability depends on public investment in infrastructure and the alignment of trade policies, such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership, with sustainability goals.

The Paris Agreement replaces top-down binding targets with a hybrid system of non-binding Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) and mandatory review processes. Because NDCs are not legally binding, the document argues that the review systems are the primary tools for generating information and applying political pressure to ensure countries meet their commitments. The brief identifies critical unresolved details regarding the Article 13 transparency framework, the Article 14 global stocktake, and the Article 15 implementation and compliance mechanism, suggesting options for their operationalization to increase global climate ambition.

The document examines Nationally Appropriate Mitigation Actions (NAMAs) as tools for developing countries to achieve mitigation and sustainable development goals. It highlights a significant gap between the high interest in NAMA development and the actual financial support provided, noting that less than 2% of requested support has been offered. The brief argues that the lack of official UNFCCC guidelines for stakeholder consultation and the absence of sector-specific environmental criteria—such as 'negative lists' to exclude harmful technologies—risk promoting 'greenwashing' and locking countries into high-carbon infrastructure. It recommends adopting universal safeguards, harmonized sustainable development assessments, and mandatory guidelines for effective stakeholder engagement, including indigenous peoples, to ensure NAMAs drive true transformational change.

The document argues that urban GHG mitigation is most effective when governments at different levels operate according to their comparative advantages. It categorizes city roles into policy leaders, critical implementers, and strategic partners, mapping these roles to specific abatement potentials in transport, buildings, and waste. The authors emphasize that national governments must provide enabling actions—specifically financial support, technical capacity, and policy alignment—to unlock this potential. Case studies of China, the United States, and Brazil illustrate varying degrees of vertical integration and identify specific national-level gaps that hinder city-scale climate action.

Carbon Market Watch proposes a comprehensive overhaul of the Clean Development Mechanism (CDM) to ensure it delivers net atmospheric benefits rather than acting as a zero-sum offsetting tool. Key recommendations include tightening additionality testing through 'negative lists' for ineligible technologies, shortening crediting periods, and integrating national E+ and E- policies into baseline assessments. The document also advocates for strengthened civil society participation via new communication channels and a formal grievance mechanism. Furthermore, it calls for increased transparency from Designated National Authorities regarding sustainable development, stricter eligibility and conflict-of-interest rules for the CDM Executive Board, and a shift in the payment structure for Designated Operational Entities to ensure auditor independence.

The document examines Integrated Coastal Management (ICM) as a multi-sectoral governance approach to balance the development, use, and protection of coastal zones. It traces the global shift from sectoral 'command-and-control' methods to ecosystem-based management and analyzes South Africa's transition from a conservation-focused model to one prioritizing sustainable livelihoods and poverty eradication. The author highlights the 2008 Integrated Coastal Management Act as a key legal framework but notes significant failures in local-level implementation, particularly in the Eastern Cape, where unregulated sand mining and illegal development persist due to a lack of municipal capacity and political will.

The document examines the governance of Ghana's oil discovery at Cape Three Points in 2007, focusing on the intersection of state management and civil society oversight. It details the legal frameworks established to manage revenues, such as the Ghana Stabilization Fund and Ghana Heritage Fund, while highlighting systemic challenges including political patronage, lack of transparency in the Ghana National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC), and the 'Dutch Disease' affecting non-oil sectors. The authors emphasize that while civil society organizations (CSOs), particularly the Civil Society Platform on Oil and Gas, have influenced policy and monitoring, they are hampered by funding shortages and technical skill gaps. The paper concludes that strengthening state-civil society cooperation is essential to ensure oil wealth supports sustainable national development rather than fueling corruption or instability.

The report analyzes the power dynamics of Africa's five most influential states, using the Hillebrand-Herman-Moyer Index (HHMI) to forecast capabilities. It finds that while Nigeria and Ethiopia are expected to increase their power capabilities, Algeria, Egypt, and South Africa are likely to stagnate or decline. The authors distinguish between raw capabilities and 'power projection,' noting that Ethiopia and South Africa currently punch above their weight, while Nigeria and Algeria punch below theirs. The analysis emphasizes that governance deficits and domestic instability often hinder the translation of material capabilities into actual regional or global influence.

The report examines the gap between Africa's strong rhetorical commitment to regional integration and the limited actual progress achieved. Using APRM data from 17 countries, it identifies systemic barriers including reluctance to cede national sovereignty, overlapping memberships in multiple regional economic communities (RECs), inadequate infrastructure, and a lack of private sector involvement. While some blocs like the East African Community (EAC) show more progress, most have not advanced beyond free trade areas or customs unions, and intra-African trade remains low compared to trade with external partners like the EU and China.

The SEI Initiative on Climate Finance focuses on enhancing the delivery and effectiveness of climate finance for developing countries. It addresses four primary areas: defining and evaluating effectiveness to ensure long-term social and economic change; reforming the fragmented global finance architecture to reduce transaction costs; analyzing the role and viability of private finance in adaptation and energy transitions; and operationalizing the concept of 'intolerable risks' to better address loss and damage.

The report examines the implementation of the UNESCO World Heritage Site designation in Bali, focusing on the Catur Angga Batukaru (CAB) region. It identifies significant governance gaps, where initial top-down structures failed to include key stakeholders like the subak farmers, leading to the creation of a more inclusive Coordination Forum in 2014. The document details existential threats to the subak system, including rising ritual costs, high land taxes driving land conversion, water scarcity due to tourism priority, and a declining interest in farming among the youth. It argues that the long-term viability of the landscape depends on empowering farmers through a regency-level management body and community-based monitoring aligned with the Tri Hita Karana philosophy.

The report analyzes the tense pre-election environment in Benin as it approaches a critical electoral cycle in 2015 and 2016. It highlights the failure to update the permanent computerized electoral list (LEPI) as a primary technical bottleneck, while noting that political calculations by various actors have contributed to the postponement of local elections. The document examines the risk of President Thomas Boni Yayi attempting to extend his term through constitutional review, though it concludes that legal barriers from the Constitutional Court and public sentiment make a third term unlikely. It also notes the decline in the credibility of Beninese civil society and recommends that ECOWAS and international partners provide technical assistance and diplomatic pressure to ensure a peaceful transition of power.

The document examines the increasing visibility of organised crime in Dakar, specifically drug trafficking, counterfeit pharmaceuticals, and cybercrime. It highlights the risk of 'criminal governance' where illicit networks provide services and authority parallel to the state, often aided by the corruption of law enforcement officials. The authors argue that Dakar's cash-intensive economy and real estate market are highly vulnerable to money laundering. To combat this, the brief recommends improving law enforcement capacity, adapting the Penal Code, and enhancing international cooperation, particularly with France and South American countries.

The paper argues that elections in Africa often trigger instability because they are primarily viewed as a means of accessing state resources. It suggests that stability requires 'inclusive political settlements' and a move away from 'electoral autocracy' where elections are used to consolidate power. The author emphasizes the need for credible Election Management Bodies (EMBs), legitimate domestic observation, and inclusive mediation mechanisms involving civil society and traditional leaders to prevent violence.