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Turkey has rapidly become a global exporter of military drones, specifically the Bayraktar TB2 and Akıncı models, using this technology to enhance its soft power and establish new geopolitical alliances. This shift is part of a broader quest for 'strategic autonomy'—the ability to make defense decisions independently—driven by past arms sanctions from the US and technical failures with Israeli technology. While the drone sector has provided a significant economic boost, with defense and aerospace exports exceeding $4 billion in 2022, the brief highlights critical concerns regarding the lack of parliamentary oversight, centralized decision-making in the President's office, and alleged human rights violations by end-users in conflict zones like Ethiopia and Libya.

The document explores the 'anti-green backlash' and the practical dilemmas of the energy transition, focusing on social inequality, territorial disputes over renewables and mining, and the geopolitical implications of critical raw material sourcing. It argues that a just transition requires rebuilding the welfare state, increasing democratic participation, and addressing historical ecological debts to avoid 'eco-apartheid' and political polarisation.

The document analyzes three major electricity interconnector projects: the EuroAsia Interconnector (linking Israel, Cyprus, and Greece), the EuroAfrica Interconnector (linking Egypt to Europe via Cyprus), and the Türkiye-North Cyprus Interconnector. It highlights that while these projects aim to end the energy isolation of Cyprus and Israel and enhance regional energy security, they are complicated by geopolitical tensions and financing challenges. The author proposes four scenarios for implementation, ranging from maintaining political divides to a 'regional interdependency' model that uses energy infrastructure to build mutual trust. The paper argues that prioritizing interoperability and inclusive policies—specifically including the Turkish Cypriot community in decision-making—could transform Cyprus into a regional energy hub and support a peaceful settlement of the Cyprus Problem.

The report analyzes how non-Western powers are extending their influence in Afghanistan and the Sahel through economic, political, and security tools. While China and Russia are the most visible actors, their strategies differ: Russia often employs a 'harder' security-focused approach, while China focuses on 'softer' developmental and economic interests. The document finds that while there are expectations that these powers will fill the vacuum left by Western withdrawals, there is limited evidence that a major power shift has materialized. It concludes that the engagement of autocratic states likely allows for the continuation of existing illiberal tendencies rather than actively exporting them, and recommends that Norway focus on its own unique benefits when engaging with these regions.

The report examines how the rise of the Indo-Pacific strategic framework and intensifying competition between traditional powers (US, UK, France) and emerging powers (China, India) affect African maritime security and development. It highlights the critical importance of Indian Ocean trade routes, the proliferation of foreign military bases in the region, and the risk of African states being drawn into proxy wars. The author emphasizes that while great power competition is a long-term risk, immediate threats include piracy, illegal fishing, and climate change. The paper recommends that African states and the African Union develop a unified conception of their maritime interests and leverage multilateral organizations to protect their sovereignty and blue economy goals.

The document examines the 'digital geopolitics' affecting the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region, contrasting the commercially-driven US model, the state-centric Chinese model, and the human-centric EU model. It warns that without strategic agency and home-grown innovation, Africa risks 'digital recolonisation' or the adoption of 'authoritarian tech'. The authors recommend that SADC and the African Union (AU) harmonise data sovereignty frameworks, strengthen rights-centred implementation, and increase influence in international standard-setting bodies like the ITU to ensure digital transformation aligns with African contextual needs.

The paper examines how the Russia-Ukraine conflict challenges the BRICS bloc's stated principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity. It analyzes the divergent voting patterns of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa at the United Nations, noting that the group lacks a common stance on the conflict. While the bloc advocates for a more equitable international order and criticizes Western double standards, the author argues that Russia's invasion of Ukraine risks compromising the bloc's credibility and creating a precedent where powerful states ignore international principles.

The document analyzes the varied diplomatic positions of African nations regarding the Ukraine war, noting a split between those condemning Russia and those maintaining neutrality to preserve bilateral ties. It argues that African states should move from being passive bystanders to proactive actors by mediating peace, filling resource gaps created by sanctions, diversifying commodity imports, and strengthening pan-African unity.

The Mauritius–China Free Trade Agreement (MCFTA), effective January 1, 2021, is analyzed as a likely geopolitical tool rather than an economic driver, given the extreme trade imbalance between the two nations. The authors argue that Mauritius lacks the capacity to penetrate the Chinese market, and the agreement may exacerbate its trade deficit. While the MCFTA is China's first FTA with an African nation, the paper suggests it serves as a strategic base for China to influence the broader African market and the AfCFTA, while potentially acting as a 'laboratory' for future continental engagements.

The document analyzes China's strategic control over the Democratic Republic of Congo's (DRC) cobalt and copper supply chains, from extraction to refining. It examines the 'resources-for-infrastructure' model initiated under President Joseph Kabila and the subsequent efforts by President Félix Tshisekedi to renegotiate contracts. The author argues that while a 'US vs China' rivalry narrative exists, the dynamics are heavily influenced by internal Congolese political needs, including electoral goals and financial gain, and notes that Chinese firms are often preferred due to their flexibility in opaque business environments.

The Council on Strategic Risks warns that a lack of dedicated funding in a March 2022 government spending package threatens U.S. domestic health and international vaccine distribution. The author asserts that without additional funds, the U.S. will face depleted monoclonal antibody supplies, reduced testing capacity, and a diminished ability to support the USAID Global VAX program. Furthermore, the document highlights that low vaccination rates in low-income countries (13%) increase the risk of new variants and allow geopolitical rivals like China to strengthen ties with developing nations through vaccine diplomacy.

The author posits that the Russian invasion of Ukraine represents a clash between neoimperialism and European unity. The text describes Putin's ideology as a reactionary neoimperialism that seeks to divide Europe and reduce small nations to spheres of influence. To counter this, the author advocates for a democratic European political union that ends fossil fuel dependence, upholds the rule of law, and provides a social and ecological alternative to authoritarianism.

The editorial calls for the European Union to provide material and humanitarian support to Ukraine and to intensify sanctions, specifically targeting the financial system and energy ties, in response to the Russian invasion.

The report examines the shift from a fossil-fuel-based geopolitical paradigm to one led by renewables in the Eastern Mediterranean. It argues that while hydrocarbon discoveries have historically escalated tensions over maritime boundaries, the transition to clean energy offers new opportunities for regional and inter-communal cooperation. Specifically, it proposes several technical and policy-driven 'green dialogue' initiatives for divided Cyprus, such as shared energy storage in the buffer zone and renewable energy trade, to build trust and align the island with EU climate goals.

The analysis of UN votes, regional organization statements, and public diplomatic interactions from February 20 to June 19, 2022, indicates that no global pro-Russia or pro-authoritarian bloc has emerged. Instead, most states in the Global South prefer to remain non-aligned, although there is evidence of diplomatic competition for influence between Russia and Western powers, particularly in Asia.

The document analyzes the resurgent roles of China and Russia in Africa since 2000. China's influence is primarily economic, driven by the Belt and Road Initiative and long-term infrastructure investments, while Russia's approach is more opportunistic, focusing on mining, arms exports, and the deployment of private military contractors in fragile states. While the two powers coordinate on challenging Western norms and supporting non-interference in the UN Security Council, they maintain a 'competitive partnership' characterized by limited strategic coordination in security and economics, and occasional competition for commercial contracts in countries like Zimbabwe.

Russia is attempting to leverage historical Soviet-era ties and new institutional frameworks, such as the Russia–Africa Partnership Forum, to increase its presence in Zambia and Tanzania. While there is significant high-level political engagement and cooperation in nuclear energy and military sales, the report finds that Russia's economic footprint remains limited compared to China and other global powers. Key efforts include the promotion of nuclear research centers in Zambia and the use of 'debt-for-development' schemes, though the latter have seen little success in these two countries. The report also notes the use of the COVID-19 pandemic for geopolitical gain through vaccine diplomacy and targeted tourism to Zanzibar.

The report consists of several independent briefers analyzing how climate change acts as a threat multiplier across various domains. Key analyses include the evolution of 'environmental terrorism' from a tactical to a strategic threat, the need to integrate peacebuilding with climate adaptation in fragile regions like the Sahel, and the shifting geopolitics of energy security as the world transitions to renewables. It also assesses specific vulnerabilities of U.S. Space Force infrastructure to sea-level rise and wildfires, the role of digital Earth observation technologies in anticipatory intelligence, and the gendered impacts of climate-induced resource scarcity. Regional case studies focus on the Arctic's changing geopolitical landscape and the influence of media reporting on climate-induced farmer-herder conflicts in Nigeria.

The document examines the viability of nuclear energy in Africa, noting that the continent provides 14% of global uranium supply. It identifies Russia and China as leading international vendors due to their state-owned models and willingness to provide financing. The paper highlights significant barriers to deployment, including high costs, corruption, unstable electrical grids, and a lack of local expertise. It also discusses the potential of Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) to mitigate some of these infrastructure and financial challenges.

The document analyzes climate change as a 'threat multiplier' in South Asia, where it exacerbates socio-economic tensions, fuels violent extremism, and intensifies nuclear-armed rivalries over shared water resources. It highlights the vulnerability of the region to heatwaves, sea level rise, and flooding, which drive mass migration and compromise military readiness. The report specifically examines the hydro-rivalry between China and India over the Brahmaputra and between India and Pakistan over the Indus River Basin. To address these challenges, it recommends integrating climate projections into military planning, establishing comprehensive transboundary water treaties, and accelerating the transition from coal and natural gas to renewable energy through international financing.