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The paper argues that South Africa has failed to translate its mineral wealth into inclusive growth due to a combination of historical structural inadequacies, policy incoherence, and rent-seeking by political elites. While the country shows symptoms of 'Dutch disease', the author finds this inadequate to explain manufacturing decline, which is instead attributed to import penetration and a lack of 'nearby' capabilities in the product space. The document strongly critiques the government's focus on downstream beneficiation—forcing mining companies to subsidise local processing—as economically inefficient and potentially harmful to investment. Instead, it advocates for developing upstream linkages and technology-laden capital equipment. Furthermore, it highlights how mineral rents continue to benefit politically connected insiders and traditional leaders through the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA) and Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) deals, often at the expense of rural communities.

The document examines the illegal wildlife trade as a reflection of complexities in China-Africa relations, specifically focusing on the demand for rhino horn and ivory in China and the supply challenges in South Africa. It highlights the role of cultural status, traditional medicine, and corruption in driving demand, while noting that supply is fueled by poverty and a lack of sustainable economic alternatives for local communities. The brief compares the conservation and enforcement models of South Africa and Kenya, suggesting that reducing demand through public awareness and linking wildlife protection to national priorities like anti-corruption is essential for long-term success.

The author assesses South Africa's strategic position in the DRC, noting that while South Africa has a significant economic footprint and a constructive security role, it lacks a clear political vision. The paper recommends that South Africa dissuade President Kabila from seeking a third term, support the continued presence of MONUSCO to ensure credible elections, and implement domestic legislation to govern the conduct of its corporations abroad to maintain its credibility as a development actor.

The policy brief examines the intersection of the post-2015 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs), the COP 21 climate negotiations, and the Financing for Development agenda. It advocates for a 'bottom-up' approach to climate mitigation through INDCs that are integrated with domestic socio-economic priorities to create co-benefits in sectors like agriculture and energy. The author emphasizes that African nations should leverage clean energy and the energy-food-water nexus to leapfrog fossil-fuel-based development, while highlighting South Africa's green economy strategies as a model for job creation and GDP growth.

The document analyzes South Africa's strategic positioning within FOCAC and BRICS, arguing that while FOCAC is a vital tool for continental development and Sino-African relations, it is unlikely to serve as a primary platform for global governance reform in the same way as BRICS. It suggests South Africa should instead focus FOCAC on practical continental issues such as infrastructure quality, natural resource management, and the role of the African Union Commission.

The research paper examines the fiscal pressures facing South Africa, highlighting high government debt, sluggish economic growth, and rising public sector costs. It details specific budget allocations for infrastructure and energy, including the Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Programme and nuclear procurement, while framing these economic realities against the backdrop of student demands for tertiary education funding.

The author critiques South Africa's move to replace international investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) with state-to-state arbitration via the Promotion and Protection of Investment Bill (PPIB). While noting the failures of state-to-state arbitration—citing a dispute where Zimbabwe ignored a SADC tribunal ruling regarding South African investors—the author argues that removing ISDS deprives South African courts of the chance to learn from international best practices. The paper suggests that South Africa's robust legal system could handle most disputes locally, especially if specialised investment courts were established, and points to Indonesia's 'globalised localism' as a model for linking international law with domestic legislation.

The document evaluates the Open Government Partnership (OGP) against other peer-review mechanisms like the APRM, UPR, and OECDA, highlighting the OGP's flexibility, civil society involvement, and potential for harmonisation with existing governance reviews to benefit African states.

Botswana faces significant water scarcity and rising demand, yet its water governance remains centralised with slow institutional reform. While the government has adopted Integrated Water Resources Management (IWRM) principles and developed an IWRM-water efficiency (IWRM-WE) plan, implementation is hindered by outdated legislation, such as the 1968 Water Act, and a lack of a formal water pricing policy. The document highlights a critical need to shift from supply-side expansion—such as the construction of dams and north-south water carriers—toward water demand management (WDM) to ensure long-term sustainability and financial viability.

The IMF's October 2015 Regional Economic Outlook for Sub-Saharan Africa describes a 'gloomy picture' for the region driven by falling commodity and oil prices, high energy costs, and a weak global financial environment. South Africa is highlighted as having the worst growth projection among its middle-income peers, with its economic performance hindered by critical electricity supply failures, poor export growth despite currency depreciation, and social unrest. The IMF recommends fiscal adjustments, currency depreciation, and long-term investments in productivity-enhancing infrastructure and education to counter these trends.

The document analyzes China's 'Agricultural Going Out' strategy in Africa, noting that while investment is relatively small—amounting to $406 million by 2011—it is strategically focused on cash crops and diplomatic alliance-building. It distinguishes between small-scale private ventures serving local markets and larger state-led projects targeting cash crops for international or Chinese markets. The paper details the shift from production-centric models toward downstream logistics and the prevalence of farm/plantation and contract farming models.

The paper examines the role of Intended Nationally Determined Contributions (INDCs) in bridging the gap between political ambition and the goal of limiting global temperature rise to below 2°C. It describes INDCs as voluntary, bottom-up climate planning tools that allow countries to define their own mitigation and adaptation targets based on domestic capabilities. The author emphasizes that INDCs should be integrated with broader sustainable development goals, particularly for African nations, and calls for a 'virtuous cycle of rising ambition' supported by predictable international finance to ensure global emissions peak by 2030.

The paper assesses the limitations of naval operations like EU Naval Force Operation ATALANTA and NATO's Operation Ocean Shield in addressing the root causes of Somali piracy. It identifies illegal, unreported and unregulated (IUU) fishing, political instability, and youth unemployment as primary drivers of piracy. While Somalia has established a legal framework through the Somalia Maritime Resource and Security Strategy (SMRSS), the declaration of its Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), and the Federal Somali Fisheries Law, it lacks the technical capacity—such as Vessel Monitoring Systems and a Fisheries Monitoring Center—to enforce these laws. The author advocates for international navies to transition from purely military deterrents to supporting Somalia's coast guard and monitoring fishing activities to prevent a resurgence of piracy.

The document examines China's deepening security role in Africa, shifting from traditional military concerns to non-traditional threats. It analyzes how China protects its citizens from crime and terrorism, its response to the 2014 Ebola outbreak, and its dual role in the illegal wildlife and timber trades. The authors argue that these transnational challenges are compelling China to increase its engagement with multilateral organizations and move beyond its traditional policy of non-interference.

The document outlines the transition from the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), which ended in September 2015, to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) as part of the Post-2015 Global Development Agenda ending in 2030. It details the role of the 30-member Open Working Group (OWG) in creating 17 goals and 169 targets through a consultative process involving civil society. The text defines sustainable development based on the 1987 Brundtland report and discusses the principle of Common but Differentiated Responsibilities (CBDR), which acknowledges that developed countries bear greater responsibility for environmental degradation. It also highlights South Africa's role in negotiating the SDGs via the Department of International Relations and Cooperation (DIRCO) and its leadership of the G77+ China group.

African civil society representatives condemn the sudden cancellation of the 2nd Extraordinary Summit of the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM) scheduled for September 2015 in Nairobi. They highlight critical failures within the APRM, including a lack of leadership since 2008, financial instability due to member state arrears, and a stagnation in the production of Country Review Reports. The statement urges the APRM Forum Chairperson to reconvene the summit to fill vacant leadership roles, reform funding mechanisms, and increase civil society engagement.

The report, developed by the Network of Southern Think Tanks (NeST), addresses the lack of a common definition and reporting system for South-South co-operation (SSC). It distinguishes South-South development co-operation (SSDC) as a subset of SSC and argues that it is broader than the OECD-DAC's Official Development Assistance (ODA) definition. The document proposes a comprehensive set of indicators to assess the quality of partnerships across seven dimensions, including national ownership, horizontality, and transparency. It also explores methodological approaches for impact evaluation, suggesting a shift toward 'double-sided' results-based management that recognizes mutual benefits for both provider and recipient. Finally, it outlines a roadmap for NeST to establish a global statistical hub for SSC data in collaboration with UN agencies.

The research finds a strong theoretical case for the TFTA due to high trade complementarity between Egypt, Kenya, and South Africa, though actual trade is currently limited by significant tariff and non-tariff barriers. While South Africa views the TFTA as a tool for 'developmental regionalism' to reduce poverty through industrialization, secondary powers like Kenya and Egypt may face competition from South African exports in their respective regional markets. The document emphasizes that the success of the TFTA depends on massive upgrades to transregional transport and energy infrastructure, noting that while some progress has been made in port and road corridors, large-scale energy projects in the DRC and Ethiopia face severe financial and technical obstacles.

The document examines the effectiveness of corporate social responsibility (CSR) in the South African mining sector, identifying significant gaps in coordination, monitoring, and alignment with government development frameworks. While mining companies possess substantial financial capacity—exemplified by Anglo American Platinum's ZAR 100 million expenditure on education between 2012 and 2014—the briefing argues that CSR is often treated as ad hoc charity or driven by corporate competition rather than integrated development goals. It highlights weaknesses in the Mineral and Petroleum Resources Development Act (MPRDA) and recommends stronger alignment with the National Development Plan (NDP) 2030 and local integrated development plans (IDPs) to ensure sustainable socio-economic impact.

The policy brief examines the emergence of the Blue Economy as a central priority for African policymakers, specifically through the AU's 2050 Africa’s Integrated Maritime Strategy (2050 AIM Strategy). It identifies a significant challenge of fragmentation, where maritime ambitions span a complex array of sector-specific institutions and programmes. The author suggests that the 2050 AIM Strategy should link with the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), which has recently undergone institutional renewal and adopted the Blue Economy as its top priority. The brief emphasizes that for these initiatives to succeed, they must avoid duplicating sector-specific efforts and instead focus on high-level integrated planning, improved communication platforms, and bolstered institutional capacity.