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The document argues that while Africa requires significant investment for climate mitigation and adaptation—including an estimated $3 trillion for NDC implementation by 2030—private sector investment remains low. It identifies key barriers such as political, regulatory, and project risks, as well as a lack of 'bankable' projects. To overcome these, the authors recommend creating supportive regulatory environments, utilizing credit enhancement mechanisms through blended finance, and providing technical grant-based funding to help borrowers reach the bankability stage. Special attention is given to the need for catalytic public finance to unlock private investment in adaptation and nature-based solutions.

The document investigates whether Russia exerts significant influence over African states in the UN Security Council (UNSC) by analyzing voting patterns between 2014 and 2020. It argues that Russia's influence over the A3 is often exaggerated, as statistical evidence shows little coordination and a trend of increasing divergence. While the A3 are increasingly presenting unified positions on African issues, their voting behavior remains more aligned with the P3 (US, UK, and France) than with Russia. The brief concludes that Russia's role as a 'loud dissenter' has not translated into a strategic alliance with the African grouping.

The report examines the governance trajectories of Kenya, Mozambique, and Uganda, the only three African countries to have completed the APRM review process twice. It finds that while all three made legislative and constitutional strides in democracy and political governance, they remain vulnerable to ethnic conflict and struggle with persistent issues of corruption, poverty, and gender inequality.

The document examines the limited role of African countries and LDCs in G20 decision-making and proposes mechanisms to enhance their agency. It highlights how the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated vulnerabilities in these regions, leading to the worst economic outcome in thirty years for LDCs. The author suggests creating a formal outreach mechanism with longer-term representation to ensure continuity and mainstreaming LDC inputs across G20 workstreams, including climate and finance. Key priority themes identified include rethinking vulnerability metrics beyond per capita GDP, ensuring a 'just transition' that balances green recovery with immediate social needs, and reforming the financial architecture to provide more fiscal space and fairer capital market access.

The paper assesses the synergy between the AfCFTA and the BRI, arguing that targeted, structured cooperation—such as sector-specific preferential trade agreements and the strategic use of Special Economic Zones (SEZs)—is more beneficial for Africa than a status-quo ad hoc approach or a full continent-wide Free Trade Agreement (FTA). It highlights the potential for growth in manufacturing and agriculture while warning against the risks of increased Chinese imports and the complexities of rules of origin.

The document outlines a framework for South African climate diplomacy, emphasizing the need to move beyond the UNFCCC to engage with the G7, G20, WTO, and IMF. It argues that the current global climate finance architecture is unfit for the needs of emerging economies, particularly regarding coal phase-outs and adaptation. The authors recommend a whole-of-government approach to secure 'package deals' that link higher emission reduction targets to concrete financial support, debt relief, and intellectual property waivers for green technology.

The report examines the governance of nuclear energy in Africa, focusing on the Treaty of Pelindaba and its implementation body, AFCONE, as well as the FNRBA and AFRA. It notes that while South Africa is the only country currently operating a nuclear power reactor, 16 other nations are exploring nuclear options for energy security and climate mitigation. The document highlights the importance of the IAEA's 'Milestones Approach' for infrastructure development and identifies critical challenges facing continental institutions, including limited funding, human resource shortages, and inconsistent member state cooperation. It recommends that all 55 African Union members ratify the Pelindaba Treaty and that AFCONE be further empowered with a predictable budget and increased staffing.

The document argues that Zimbabwe exhibits the form but not the substance of constitutionalism, characterized by an overweening Executive that subordinates the Judiciary and Legislature. It details a 'party-military-business coalition' that maintains power through the militarisation of politics, organised violence, and the shrinking of civic space. Economically, the report describes chronic fragility, hyperinflation, and a failing parastatal sector plagued by corporate governance breaches. While the government has introduced anti-corruption strategies and joined the APRM, civil society contends these are often symbolic, noting a persistent 'catch and release' syndrome for high-profile offenders and a lack of genuine political will to align laws with the 2013 Constitution.

The document examines the historical tendency of extractive companies in Africa to build exclusive 'island mode' infrastructure, which limits integration with host economies and reinforces the 'resource curse'. It advocates for a transition toward shared-use infrastructure—such as power, rail, and ports—to convert natural resource depletion into broader societal assets. The author suggests that while 70% of resource infrastructure investment could be shared among operators and another 30% with the public, achieving this requires stronger local governance, new internal corporate competencies in socio-economic development, and government incentives like tax offsets to compensate companies for the costs of open access.

The document analyzes Uganda's economic response to COVID-19, noting a growth slowdown to 2.9 percent in FY2019/20. While monetary and financial interventions stabilized the sector and lowered interest rates, and fiscal tax reliefs saved formal businesses, these measures increased public debt and external debt vulnerability. The Emyooga scheme targeted the informal sector and youth, though the author suggests addressing corruption and expanding age eligibility to improve inclusivity.

The paper examines Africa's role in global nuclear disarmament, highlighting the Pelindaba Treaty as a model for regional non-proliferation and the shift from a security-based to a humanitarian-based narrative to challenge nuclear-armed states.

The document examines the viability of nuclear energy in Africa, noting that the continent provides 14% of global uranium supply. It identifies Russia and China as leading international vendors due to their state-owned models and willingness to provide financing. The paper highlights significant barriers to deployment, including high costs, corruption, unstable electrical grids, and a lack of local expertise. It also discusses the potential of Small Modular Reactors (SMRs) to mitigate some of these infrastructure and financial challenges.

The document analyzes the multidimensional relationship between China and West Africa, highlighting significant asymmetries in trade and foreign direct investment. It identifies health cooperation, economic recovery, regional integration, and debt restructuring as primary priorities for the FOCAC 8 summit. The author argues that West African nations should move beyond bilateral opportunism toward a strategic regional approach led by ECOWAS, incorporating non-state actors and civil society to address concerns over transparency, debt sustainability, and environmental impacts.

The authors advocate for the transition from global to regional value chains in Africa, emphasizing that digital transformation—specifically through blockchain, AI, and IoT—is essential to overcome high trade costs, poor infrastructure, and inefficient customs procedures. The paper highlights the AfCFTA as a critical framework for this shift, noting that while Africa currently exports raw materials with little value addition (e.g., coffee and cocoa), digital tools can enable MSMEs and women-led businesses to scale and integrate into more productive regional networks.

The Lesotho APRM Popular Sensitisation (LAPS) Project workshop, held on 25 August 2021, focused on re-engaging non-state actors to resuscitate Lesotho's participation in the African Peer Review Mechanism (APRM). The event highlighted that Lesotho's national APRM structures have been non-existent since 2015/2016 due to a lack of political will, frequent government changes, and financial constraints. To assist Lesotho, civil society representatives from Namibia, Botswana, South Africa, and Zimbabwe shared their experiences in developing CSO submissions. Key recommendations for Lesotho included forming a robust Working Group to identify 12 key governance issues, ensuring the National Governing Council (NGC) includes marginalized groups and non-state actor leadership, and adopting a non-partisan, evidence-based approach to advocacy. The project aims to complete its submission by June 2022 to inform Lesotho's Second Generation Country Review.

The BRICS nations failed to mount a unified response to the COVID-19 pandemic, characterized by inconsistent vaccine adoption and delayed consensus on intellectual property waivers. Despite the high disease burden in India and Brazil, and the production capacity of India and South Africa, the bloc's 'lukewarm cooperation' has undermined its goal of reforming global governance.

The document examines the civil war in Cameroon's North-West and South-West regions, which began in 2017 following the violent suppression of protests against francophone domination. It highlights the deep-seated grievances of the anglophone minority, the failure of the 2019 Major National Dialogue, and the critical role of the diaspora in providing financial support, media coverage via the SCBC, and international advocacy. The author argues that the conflict is rooted in post-colonial flaws and recommends an international settlement, potentially including a new referendum.

The document examines the challenges of integrating scientific evidence into policymaking for ocean governance, specifically within the Western Indian Ocean region. It highlights the role of the Nairobi Convention and WIOMSA in bridging these gaps and advocates for a shift from linear communication to interactive, dialogic networks. The brief emphasizes the importance of trust, the need for institutional reforms in researcher performance evaluation, and the adoption of strategies to increase the salience, credibility, and legitimacy of scientific information to support evidence-based decision-making.

The document identifies a history of disappointing outcomes in private sector partnerships within the Western Indian Ocean (WIO) region, often due to the private sector being viewed solely as a funding source and a general lack of trust between stakeholders. It argues that meaningful partnerships must be based on mutual benefit, clearly defined roles, and a recognition of the diverse nature of private sector actors, ranging from micro-enterprises to multinational firms. The briefing supports the adoption of the Strategic Framework for Private Sector Partnership for the Western Indian Ocean Region and suggests exploring a regional platform to facilitate innovation and coordination between government, private sector, and civil society, potentially modeled after the Consortium for the Conservation of the Coastal and Marine Ecosystems in the Western Indian Ocean (WIO-C).

The document warns that African oil and gas producing countries risk committing public funds to stranded assets by basing investment decisions on current price trends rather than energy transition scenarios. It highlights the vulnerability of National Oil Companies (NOCs) and the potential for revenue overestimation, specifically citing risks in countries like Angola, Mozambique, and Senegal. The author advocates for the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative (EITI) to mandate the disclosure of project viability data and for governments to diversify their economies.