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The author contends that the debate over structural racism in Norway has become overly polarized, obscuring the lived experiences of people with migrant backgrounds. Drawing on 15 years of research, the author highlights the destructive nature of a lack of belonging and the existence of informal structures that challenge the inclusion of minorities. The text suggests that while Norway differs from the United States in its history of systemic segregation, it is essential to distinguish between societal intentions and the actual experiences of individuals to address inequalities in recognition and belonging.

The document argues that conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) has historically been overlooked in peace talks but must be integrated into every phase of the peace process. It emphasizes broadening the lens of victims to include men and boys, who face significant social stigma and service gaps. The briefing provides specific recommendations for early-stage agreements, ceasefire negotiations, Disarmament, Demobilization and Reintegration (DDR), Security Sector Reform (SSR), and transitional justice, highlighting the need for accountability, gender-sensitive security indicators, and recognition for children born of wartime sexual violence.

The study found that a lack of transparency regarding course syllabi in the UK and France constitutes a significant barrier to assessing diversity in academia. While Norwegian universities were transparent, they offered very few courses on African peace and conflict. The authors suggest that in countries with high tuition fees, reading lists are often treated as intellectual property or paid products, hindering the ability to analyze whether curricula are being decolonised.

The report presents a comprehensive inventory of 212 surveys and 276 core questions focused on migration aspirations, defined as the mental constructs including desires, intentions, plans, and expectations for migration. It analyzes these instruments through a framework that distinguishes between the nature and timeframe of the mindset and the action. The findings reveal a geographic concentration of research in Europe and Central Asia, a high prevalence of surveys targeting students and health workers, and a general lack of data availability, with only 25% of datasets reported as available. The authors conclude with 21 recommendations to improve the quality, translatability, and reporting of migration aspiration surveys.

The policy brief examines the 2021 UN Security Council agreement to keep the Bab al-Hawa border crossing open for humanitarian aid to Syria. It argues that Russia's support for the resolution, despite its preference for aid to flow through Damascus, was driven by a need to prevent the economic collapse of the al-Assad regime. The author highlights the role of a bilateral US-Russia deal and the diplomatic efforts of Ireland and Norway in securing the compromise. The brief also notes that while external stakeholders find the current fragile state of Syria acceptable, the lack of funding for reconstruction and regional instabilities—including COVID-19 and shifts in Iranian and US engagement—threaten long-term stability.

The document analyzes drivers of support for terrorism, finding that justifications for domestic and political violence, younger age, lower education, and a lack of religious belief or openness to other religions are positively associated with justifying terrorism. It notes that while some factors vary by region, a moderate commitment to democracy and a moderate perceived importance of God are consistent global indicators of support for terrorism.

The report synthesizes findings from 49 peer-reviewed articles and 72 distinct analyses to determine what factors drive individuals to aspire to migrate. It employs a two-step model distinguishing between the formation of aspirations and their conversion into actual migration. The review identifies 32 determinants across demographic, socio-economic, individual, contextual, and migration-related domains. Key findings indicate that migration aspirations are most strongly and consistently driven by youth, male gender, the presence of migration networks, a history of international travel, and exposure to violence or insecurity. Conversely, aspirations are consistently lowered by increasing age, higher subjective well-being, and strong social attachment to the community of origin. The document also notes a significant research gap in the 'conversion' phase—how aspirations translate into actual movement—due to the logistical challenges of longitudinal panel data collection.

The document defines confidence-building measures (CBMs) as actions intended to increase trust and transparency between conflict parties. It categorizes CBMs into five types—political, economic, environmental, societal, and cultural—and outlines ten characteristics of successful measures, emphasizing the need for gendered conflict resolution analysis. The briefing highlights specific cases where women's engagement influenced peace processes in Yemen, Kenya, Senegal, Liberia, Sierra Leone, Colombia, Northern Ireland, and the former Yugoslavia, concluding with recommendations for gender-inclusive, multi-track approaches to peace.

This study examines how perceptions of peace agreements influence political trust in three post-war societies: Guatemala, Nepal, and Northern Ireland. Using a 2016 survey of 3,229 respondents, the authors find that approval of peace agreement provisions and the belief that these agreements have been implemented are positively associated with higher political trust. The analysis suggests that these perceptions provide significant explanatory power beyond conventional cultural and institutional theories of trust. Specifically, support for institutional reforms—such as demilitarization in Guatemala, federalization in Nepal, and power-sharing in Northern Ireland—serves as a primary driver of political trust.

The study analyzes conflict events across 272 Syrian subdistricts to determine the relationship between agricultural cycles, drought, and violence. It finds that both government and rebel-initiated attacks were more frequent during growing seasons, with dry conditions specifically correlating with an increase in government-initiated attacks over time.

The study uses an online survey experiment in Japan to examine citizen responses to government surveillance. It finds that while respondents did not engage in preference falsification or self-censorship, they were significantly more likely to opt-out of the survey entirely when reminded of the government's capacity for monitoring, even at a monetary cost.

The author contends that the safety and security risks facing healthcare workers are deeply gendered, as women constitute 70% of the global health workforce and 90% of nurses but are excluded from leadership. The text argues that universal human rights frameworks have a "neutralization effect" that conceals these gendered impacts. To remedy this, the author recommends utilizing the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) and the Violence and Harassment Convention, 2019 (No. 190) to legally address discrimination, structural underpayment, inadequate PPE, and gender-based violence in the healthcare sector.

The policy brief examines the regional dynamics surrounding Afghanistan, arguing that the country often serves as an arena where neighbors project their own existential security concerns and rivalries. It highlights the risks associated with the US military withdrawal in 2021, noting that while global powers like Russia and China have interests in the region, there is a critical lack of a credible multilateral platform for neighbors to coordinate. The author analyzes specific tensions, including the Iran-Saudi rivalry in the Gulf, the lead taken by Uzbekistan in Central Asia, and the deep-seated India-Pakistan conflict in South Asia, concluding that any Afghan normalization not endorsed by both India and Pakistan will be unsustainable.

The 2021 Women, Peace, and Security (WPS) Index reveals a slowing pace of global improvement and widening disparities in women's status. While developed countries, particularly Nordic nations, lead the index, fragile states and regions like South Asia perform poorly. The report highlights how the COVID-19 pandemic exacerbated existing inequalities, particularly through job losses in female-dominated sectors and increased risks of intimate partner violence. Additionally, new indices for forcibly displaced women and subnational data for Afghanistan, Pakistan, and the United States demonstrate that national averages often conceal severe internal disparities and the compounding disadvantages of displacement.

The document analyzes the security relationship between the Philippines and China under the Duterte administration (2016–2020). It finds that while President Duterte pursued a cooperative foreign policy to secure economic gains and infrastructure funding via the Belt and Road Initiative, security cooperation remained limited and cautious. China provided military aid during the 2017 Marawi siege and proposed surveillance projects like 'Safe Philippines,' but these efforts faced pushback from the Philippine strategic community due to interoperability issues with US systems and fears of espionage. Ultimately, China is characterized as both an emerging security partner and a primary source of insecurity due to its maritime claims in the South China Sea.

The document analyzes French involvement in the Lebanese Civil War from 1975 to 1982. It argues that France's official policy of neutrality and its slogan of preserving Lebanon's "integrity, sovereignty and unity" were rhetorical masks for a struggle to balance conflicting alliances. France's role shifted from early mediation attempts, such as the Couve de Murville mission, to a tacit acceptance of Syrian intervention in 1976 to prevent a PLO victory. The study details France's participation in UNIFIL and the Multinational Force (MNF), its economic role in reconstruction, and the strain on its relationship with Maronite militias, who felt abandoned by Paris. The analysis concludes that France remained largely powerless to change the war's course, often acting in compliance with United States interests.

The document analyzes the deadlock in Syria's reconstruction, focusing on the impact of the Caesar Syria Civilian Protection Act and the competing motivations of the US, Russia, and Iran. While the Assad regime has largely won the military conflict, it faces economic collapse and immense reconstruction costs. The US uses sanctions and a limited military presence in eastern Syria as leverage to force a UN-led political solution, while Russia and Iran seek to secure their strategic footprints in the Middle East. The authors suggest that US sanctions may act as a deterrent to reconstruction, potentially making the US a 'spoiler' in the process, while China's growing influence in the region may further dilute the efficacy of unilateral US pressure.

China's engagement in Iraq and Syria is primarily driven by economic logic and the Belt and Road Initiative, though it increasingly faces security risks from terrorism and political instability. In Iraq, China has become a top trading partner with a heavy focus on oil, while in Syria, it provides political cover for the Assad regime and explores limited reconstruction opportunities. The document argues that China lacks a unified regional strategy, instead employing a cautious, pragmatic, and piecemeal approach that balances economic opportunism with a traditional policy of non-interference, though the need to protect assets may eventually push Beijing toward more active counter-terrorism efforts.

The study finds that sexual violence in Tahrir Square was more likely to occur during large, static protests and less likely during transient demonstrations. The author identifies a shift from single-perpetrator to multiple-perpetrator assaults, specifically the 'circle of hell' phenomenon, suggesting a learned behavioral pattern or strategy. While the study found no statistically significant link between the specific political aim of a protest (anti-regime or anti-military) and the occurrence of sexual violence in the main model, it highlights the historical use of sexual violence as a tool of repression by the Egyptian state.

The report presents findings from 80 semi-structured interviews with Polish and Romanian migrants in Barcelona and Oslo. It explores how these individuals perceive democracy, corruption, and social rights in their host and origin countries, and analyzes the motivations and barriers associated with voting from abroad. Key findings indicate that while migration can broaden perspectives, it rarely fundamentally shifts core political alignments. Voting behaviour is influenced by a mix of national identity, tactical goals, and practical accessibility, with mobilisation occurring primarily through personal networks rather than state-led campaigns.