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The paper argues that Norway's success is due to a combination of high-quality institutions existing prior to oil discovery, a stable democratic system with proportional representation, and a commitment to social welfare and intergenerational equity through the Norwegian Petroleum Fund.

The document examines power-sharing in Burundi, Kenya, Liberia, Nigeria, and Sierra Leone, concluding that while such arrangements are effective for establishing peace and preventing escalation, they provide less clear support for improving long-term good governance.

The document examines how the division of Cyprus has shaped human rights discourses, categorizing civil society organizations (CoSOs) by their impact on the conflict. It analyzes the influence of EU accession and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) on these dynamics, specifically focusing on property rights and missing persons.

The authors argue that famine mortality is a result of a political support maximization calculus where governments weigh the costs of action against the costs of inaction. While democracies generally have lower famine mortality than autocracies, the study finds that both regime types can experience famine deaths. The research demonstrates that international food aid is most effective at reducing mortality when a large share of the population is affected, and that democratic governments respond more elastically to this combination than autocratic ones, which are more likely to divert aid to a small elite.

The research tests Samuel Huntington's 'clash of civilizations' hypothesis against a strategic theory of international terrorism using a directed country dyad sample from 1969 to 2005. The authors find that international terrorism is primarily driven by strategic logic—specifically, terror groups target foreign nationals from countries that provide economic aid, arms, or military support to the terrorists' home government. While the data shows excessive terrorism against Western targets, the authors argue this is due to the high strategic value of Western targets and Western interference in other regions, rather than an inherent civilizational clash. The study finds no evidence for a general structural break in terrorism patterns following the end of the Cold War, contradicting Huntington's predictions, although it notes an increase in lethal Islamic terrorism against the West coinciding with the invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq.

The paper investigates how climate change—specifically through resource scarcity, sea-level rise, and natural disasters—may increase the risk of armed conflict. It proposes a two-stage causal model where environmental changes trigger social catalysts such as economic instability, political instability, social fragmentation, migration, and inappropriate responses. The authors highlight a paradox: while global warming has accelerated, the frequency and severity of armed conflict have generally declined. Empirically, the authors find that statistical literature has failed to establish a robust, general association between resource scarcity and civil war, suggesting that conflict risk depends heavily on country-specific vulnerabilities and governance. The paper recommends prioritizing sustainable development in vulnerable societies and integrating security analysis into IPCC assessments.

The document analyzes the 1994 Convention of Government, the 2000 Arusha Peace and Reconciliation Agreement, and the 2004 Burundi Power-Sharing Agreement. It argues that these efforts were limited by their exclusiveness, reliance on ethnic categorizations, and external international pressure, which often overshadowed home-grown solutions.

The document provides a snapshot of mine action in Nepal as of 2008, highlighting the prevalence of IEDs and landmines left over from the conflict between the Nepal Army and the People's Liberation Army (PLA). It identifies significant hurdles, including the unmapped nature of PLA devices, a lack of political will within the interim government to sign the Ottawa Treaty, and inadequate equipment for the Nepal Army. While the United Nations Mission in Nepal (UNMIN) and civil society organizations like the NCBL have made strides in risk education and victim assistance, the author argues for a three-pronged strategy involving legislative commitment, improved logistics, and a psychological shift among Maoist leadership to ensure long-term public security.

The document analyzes the emergence of the 'pirogue route' from West Africa to the Canary Islands as a response to increased border security in the Strait of Gibraltar. Through fieldwork in Senegal, the author argues that migrants' decisions to undertake these perilous journeys are not based on misinformation, but are rationalized through a complex interplay of socio-economic vulnerability, cultural notions of manhood, religious beliefs regarding destiny, and a perception that remaining in Senegal constitutes a greater risk than the journey itself. The paper concludes that restrictive border measures, such as patrolling and repatriation, are often ineffective or counter-productive, as they may drive migrants toward even longer and more dangerous routes.

The document advocates for a comprehensive Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) to establish common international standards for the transfer of conventional arms, shifting the focus from traditional state security to human security and human rights. It argues that an ATT would fill gaps in existing non-binding guidelines and narrow treaties by codifying risk assessment criteria based on international law. The authors demonstrate the feasibility of such a system by drawing analogies to risk assessment practices in human rights, environmental, and trade law, while addressing opposition from some arms-supplying states.

The author argues that historiography in the Israel-Palestine conflict is inherently political, as both nations fight for a dominant narrative to legitimate their actions and claims. The text contrasts the Zionist narrative of survival and liberation with the Palestinian narrative of neo-colonialism and ethnic cleansing. It specifically examines the 'broadcast theory' used by Israel to deny responsibility for the 1948 refugee crisis, noting that academic consensus now attributes the flight of approximately 750,000 Palestinians to the actions of the Haganah/IDF, Irgun, and Stern Gang. The author also critiques the 'terrorism as the primary obstacle to peace' thesis, arguing it is ahistorical and ignores Israeli violence and the timing of suicide bombings. Finally, the document highlights the paradox where the Holocaust is used for Israeli legitimacy while the Nakba is denied, noting that the Israeli state bears responsibility for the latter.

The research examines the limited scale of trade across the Green Line in Cyprus, identifying a combination of structural obstacles and deep-seated psychological barriers. While trade in goods from north to south grew from EUR 473,631 in 2004 to EUR 4.1 million in 2007, it remains a small fraction of each community's global trade. The authors identify 'denial' among Greek Cypriots and a 'fear of inferiority' among Turkish Cypriots as primary psychological hurdles, often reinforced by political leadership and media. Structural barriers include restrictive EU health requirements, cumbersome transport regulations, and a lack of telecommunications roaming. The report recommends open political encouragement of trade, the creation of a 'Business for Peace' award, and the removal of technical barriers to build trust and economic integration.

The report examines the role of the Somali diaspora in Norway in supporting political actors and peace processes in Somalia. It finds that while ideological support exists for national actors like the Transitional Federal Government (TFG) and the Islamic Courts Union (ICU), the most impactful financial contributions occur at the sub-clan level to fund either conflict or reconciliation. The authors recommend that the Norwegian Ministry of Foreign Affairs adopt a more proactive approach to diaspora engagement and support decentralized peacebuilding initiatives.

The report analyzes four scenarios for the Cyprus settlement: a bizonal bicommunal federation, the continuation of the status quo, a two-state solution, and a functional federation with loose bizonality. The author argues that a functional federation with loose bizonality is the most economically viable option as it encourages integration, respects individual rights, and leverages market forces to achieve socioeconomic convergence. In contrast, the report suggests that strict bizonality and the current stalemate create economic bottlenecks, sustain socioeconomic gaps, and risk political instability. The analysis emphasizes the impact of Cyprus's membership in the EU and the Eurozone, noting that these frameworks necessitate a more integrationalist approach to fiscal and monetary policy.

The report evaluates the IRRANA programme, finding that financial incentives and reintegration support did not encourage voluntary return; instead, decisions were driven by the desire to avoid forced deportation or the frustration of prolonged asylum processes. Reintegration efforts, primarily focused on small business grants, were largely unsuccessful, with many businesses serving as 'sham' mechanisms to access cash. The report recommends institutionalising skills training for asylum seekers while in Norway and restructuring reintegration support to include genuine job referrals and training alternatives.

The document presents a dataset of 3,375 urban social disturbance events, including both violent and non-violent political activities, compiled from the Keesing’s Record of World Events. It details the selection of 23 cities in Sub-Saharan Africa and 32 in Asia, the coding scheme used to categorize event types and casualties, and the challenges associated with using news reports as a primary data source. Analysis shows an increasing trend in both total and lethal events over time, with a higher average number of events reported for Asian cities compared to African cities.

The document analyzes the application of gender mainstreaming in mine action, focusing on the Cambodian context. It argues that current efforts often rely on superficial indicators, such as head counts of female staff, rather than achieving genuine empowerment or influence for women in community consultations. The author critiques the tendency to equate gender issues solely with women's issues, noting that men also face gender-specific challenges as mine victims. The report suggests transitioning toward a rights-based approach to ensure that gender mainstreaming promotes equal access to benefits and decision-making power for all marginalized groups.

The document examines the tension between 'modern' (secular/NGO-led) and 'traditional' (religious) civil society in Afghanistan after 2001. It argues that international donors and the Afghan government have adopted a narrow, technocratic view of civil society, focusing on formal NGOs as service providers while marginalizing influential religious actors like mullahs and ulema. The author identifies five key civil society functions performed by religious actors: socialization, public communication, mediation, intermediation, and resource distribution. The report highlights a precarious position for 'middle-ground' religious leaders who are targeted by both the government and insurgents, warning that excluding these actors risks pushing them toward radicalization.

The document provides a comprehensive dataset of country profiles detailing the history of petroleum exploration, first discovery dates, first production years, and the geographic distribution of oil and gas reserves across numerous nations globally, with data current up to 2004.

The study examines how public opinion influences conflict dynamics between democratic and non-democratic actors. Using data from the Israeli-Palestinian conflict (1996–2005), the authors compare four models: bystander, follower, accountability, and credibility. They find that the credibility model, which allows for simultaneous interactions between public opinion and government behavior, fits the data best. The results suggest asymmetric reciprocity, where the democratic actor (Israel) reciprocates cooperation and conflict, while the non-democratic actor (Palestinians) often reacts with hostility to cooperative gestures. Including public opinion data significantly improved the accuracy of conflict forecasts for 2005.