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The report proposes a definition of sustainable migration as movement that ensures a well-balanced distribution of costs and benefits for individuals, societies, and states, both now and in the future. It argues that migration is an integral part of social change and that its sustainability is inherently political, requiring a balance of empirical data and normative values. Through literature reviews and case studies of Somalia, Pakistan, Tunisia, and Norway, the authors examine how migration impacts development, social cohesion, and welfare state legitimacy, while cautioning that the term 'sustainable' can be co-opted for restrictionist political agendas.

The report analyzes the climate-security nexus in the Eastern Mediterranean, identifying the region as a climate change hotspot where rising temperatures and water scarcity interact with fragile political structures. It highlights risks including domestic resource competition, potential conflicts over the Nile, Euphrates, and Tigris rivers, and increased migration toward Europe. The author argues that while conventional security threats currently dominate government agendas, the economic and physical impacts of climate change could trigger social unrest and regional instability. The report recommends increasing the visibility of economic risks to leaders and utilizing 'variable geometry' cooperation—combining inter-governmental frameworks like the Barcelona Convention with city-to-city and civil society networks—to foster regional adaptation.

The document analyzes the gap between the inclusion of gender stipulations in the 2016 Colombian Final Peace Agreement and their actual implementation. Using data from the Peace Accords Matrix Barometer Initiative, it finds that gender-related stipulations are significantly less likely to be implemented than non-gender stipulations. The brief attributes this disparity to low institutional capacity, sequencing priorities, and existing power hierarchies, while emphasizing the need for targeted political and economic support to ensure a peace that benefits both men and women.

The report argues that Haiti is characterized by a 'phantom state' where a small economic elite maintains power through symbiotic relationships with security forces and external actors, particularly from the United States. This structure has led to extreme inequality, the marginalization of the poor, and a chronic lack of public services in health, education, and energy. The analysis highlights a dramatic decline in voter turnout in recent elections, suggesting a crisis of political legitimacy for presidents Michel Martelly and Jovenel Moïse. It further details the environmental degradation caused by a heavy reliance on biomass energy, the vulnerability of the agricultural sector to climate shocks and trade liberalization, and the prevalence of organized crime, including child trafficking through private orphanages. The report also examines the role of international actors, noting that aid often bypasses the Haitian state, further weakening its capacity.

The document defines key gender concepts and outlines the policy framework—specifically UN Security Council resolutions on Women, Peace and Security—that mandates the integration of gender perspectives in peace operations. It provides a four-part operational framework for police personnel to implement gender mainstreaming, improve participation, and ensure professional conduct in the field.

The document provides a mapping of children living in conflict settings, distinguishing between those in conflict-affected countries and those in 'conflict zones' (within 50km of fighting). In 2017, approximately 1.8 billion children lived in conflict-affected countries, while 420 million lived in conflict zones. Asia has the highest absolute number of affected children, but the Middle East has the highest proportion relative to its population. The report also notes a rise in the number of children in conflict zones since 2000 and discusses the severe impact of the denial of humanitarian access, particularly in South Sudan, Yemen, Syria, and the Central African Republic.

The report examines the role of civil society in the Cyprus peace process, focusing on three distinct initiatives: the Home for Cooperation (H4C), the Cyprus Dialogue Forum (CDF), and Unite Cyprus Now (UCN). While these organizations have fostered inter-communal contact and created platforms for dialogue, they face significant challenges, including limited outreach to the general public, ideological barriers, and a lack of meaningful integration with official Track I negotiations. The author argues that sustainable peace requires both a more inclusive grassroots movement and a commitment from political leaders to empower civil society and institutionalize inter-communal cooperation.

The report evaluates the dominance of criminal prosecution in addressing conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV), arguing that while fighting impunity is important, it is insufficient on its own. It advocates for a 'diversity' of responses—including targeted sanctions and reparations—and a 'continuum of violence' perspective that recognizes the links between gender inequality in peacetime and sexual violence during and after conflict. The text also highlights the specific challenges of sexual exploitation and abuse (SEA) by peacekeepers and the need for better pre-deployment training and leadership accountability.

The report examines the strategies of Colombian businesses during the transition from armed conflict to peace, based on 53 interviews with business leaders. It finds that while many firms viewed the formal end of the FARC conflict as having little impact on their specific operations—often because they had already adapted to security gains between 2005 and 2014 or operated in urban areas—a minority of firms actively pursued new markets in previously off-limit territories. The study highlights that corporate engagement is heavily influenced by CEO leadership, sectoral and regional variations, and the availability of state incentives and risk-sharing mechanisms. It concludes that the 'logic of the firm' varies significantly, with some companies viewing peace as a long-term investment opportunity while others remain skeptical due to slow implementation and continuing insecurity.

The document examines the Eastern Mediterranean's transition from a strategic space used by great powers to a distinct geopolitical region. It analyzes the shift toward multipolarity and the emergence of 'proto-regionalism' through trilateral partnerships involving Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and Egypt. While identifying potential for an Eastern Mediterranean Cooperation Council (EMCC) based on the Gulf Cooperation Council model, the author highlights significant obstacles, including the role of Turkey, the Cyprus conflict, and energy disputes.

The document outlines India's approach to climate change, emphasizing the principle of Common But Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities (CBDR-RC) and its commitment to the Paris Agreement despite the US withdrawal. It highlights India's challenges with erratic weather, forest fires, and water shortages, while noting its continued reliance on coal alongside growing renewable energy. The report identifies five key areas for potential India-Norway cooperation: CO2 sequestration in Enhanced Oil Recovery, mini-hydro power and turbine retrofitting, REDD+ pilots for ecosystem restoration, smart grid solutions for renewables, and R&D in biogas from waste.

The document challenges the narrative that water scarcity directly causes violent conflict, asserting instead that the 'politics of water'—including corruption, marginalization, and poor state management—increases conflict risks. While Africa faces significant physical water stress, with 65% of the population experiencing occasional stress and 82% of the continent being arid or semi-arid, empirical research suggests that scarcity often leads to cooperation rather than violence. Conflict typically emerges when water is treated as a 'club good' distributed based on political weight or social networks rather than need. This is particularly evident in the disparity between urban and rural access, the prioritization of cash crops for irrigation, and the rise of informal service providers, such as gangs and militias, who exploit water needs for profit in weak states.

India has transitioned from a 'custodian' role for the global South, strictly adhering to the principle of Common But Differentiated Responsibilities and Respective Capabilities (CBDR-RC), toward a more proactive and pragmatic leadership style. While professional negotiators have historically maintained rigid positions based on equity and historical emissions, political leadership—notably during the Copenhagen, Cancun, and Durban COPs—has shown a greater willingness to shift toward binding commitments and transparency. India now emphasizes solar power collaboration and the implementation of the Paris Agreement while continuing to demand green technology transfer from developed nations.

The ATT Monitor 2017 report finds that while the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) has seen steady universalization, progress in public reporting is disappointing in both quantity and quality. Analysis of 2015 Annual Reports reveals significant discrepancies between reported exports and imports, with only 6% of analyzed small arms and light weapons (SALW) transactions being exactly mirrored. The report highlights a critical gap between reported implementation measures in Initial Reports and actual practice on the ground. It also introduces the 'Risk Watch' tool, which uses a typology of individual, group, institutional, and conflict violence to identify contexts where arms transfers may fuel human rights abuses.

The document argues that national risk assessments, while appearing scientifically objective, are inherently political because they rely on institutional biases and expert subjectivity. This political nature can reinforce existing power structures, justify current institutional landscapes, and influence the allocation of resources. The author highlights the challenge posed by new digital media, which reduces state control over risk perception but increases the need for authoritative, accessible information. Using examples from the UK, Netherlands, Ireland, and Norway, the brief outlines how different states categorize risks. It concludes by proposing that Norway merge its four separate risk assessments into a single, transparent, and expertise-based national risk management website to strengthen public awareness while maintaining political neutrality.

The author contends that archetypal enemies and exhortations to violence exist across various holy texts, including the Koran and the Bible. While noting that terrorism can stem from diverse psychological or social factors, the text emphasizes that some individuals use religion to legitimize violence. The author asserts that religious leaders have a responsibility to promote critical reading of scriptures and engage in interfaith dialogue to counter extremist interpretations and foster a society based on trust and equality.

The research examines 143 African ethnic groups to determine if customary institutions influence communal violence. It finds that groups with more formalized customary institutions—such as courts, legislatures, and chiefs—are significantly less likely to be involved in both inter-communal and intra-communal conflicts. The authors argue these institutions facilitate credible bargaining and mediation. In contrast, the study finds only weak and non-robust evidence that the inclusiveness or 'democratic' nature of these institutions reduces conflict.

The document analyzes the first extraordinary national terror alert in Norway, issued by the Police Security Service (PST) in July 2014. It identifies three primary intentions behind the communication: to deter potential attackers, to instruct the public on behavior, and to explain the presence of increased security measures. The author argues that while the alert conveyed the reality of the threat, its vague nature and lack of concrete instructions led to unintended consequences, including a climate of suspicion and discrimination against individuals of Middle-Eastern heritage.

The report argues that while vertical economic inequality is at an all-time high globally, horizontal inequality (inequality between groups) has declined significantly over the last 30 years. It finds that horizontal inequalities—particularly economic and political disparities affecting deprived groups—are stronger predictors of armed conflict than vertical inequalities. The authors emphasize that perceived inequality often diverges from objective data and is a critical driver of violence. While political institutional reforms and territorial autonomy show some success in preventing or ending conflict, economic policies have a mixed record. The report concludes with a call for better data on perceptions and a more rigorous analysis of policy outcomes.

The document analyzes irregular violence targeting health services and aid workers, finding that while both follow similar patterns and are strongly driven by conflict intensity, attacks on medical personnel are significantly more lethal. Syria is identified as the primary location for these attacks, particularly those targeting health services. The authors highlight a critical lack of systematic data to determine actual risk levels and argue that addressing these attacks is essential for achieving Sustainable Development Goals 3 and 16.